TABLE OF CONTENTS
1 Prolegomena to English Borrowings in Romanian
2 History / Evolution
3 Reasons for Borrowing Anglicisms
4 Anglicisms and Related Terms (terminological issues)
5.1. Sourses of research
5.2. Linguistic approaches
6 The Spread of Anglicisms
6.1. In Europe
6.2. In Romania
7 Attitudes towards Anglicisms
7.1. In Europe
7.1.1. France and the French influence
7.1.4. Other countries
7.2. In Romania
7.2.1. Romanian acceptance
7.2.2. Romanian rejection
8.1. General aspects
8.1.1. Adaptation vs. adoption
8.1.2. Linguistic aspects (types of changes)
8.1.3. Stages of integration
8.2. Orthographic adaptation
8.2.1. Stages of orthographic adaptation
8.2.2. Factors favouring the English spelling
8.2.3. Types of orthographic adaptation
126.96.36.199. Backward adaptation
188.8.131.52. Double letters
184.108.40.206. Words containing the letters y and w
220.127.116.11. Homonyms, homographs
18.104.22.168. Proper names
8.2.4. Tendencies and difficulties
8.3. Morpho-sintactic adaptation
3.1.1. Enclitic articles
3.1.2. Indefinite articles
8.3.2. Plural endings
8.3.3. Noun genders
8.3.4. Special cases
8.4. Phonetic adaptation
8.5. Semantic adaptation
8.5.1. Stages of semantic assimilation
8.5.2. Stages of semantic adaptation
8.5.3. Semantic changes
8.7. Minor processes
9.1. Semantic calques
9.2. Structural calques
9.3. Phraseological calques
9.4. Referential approach
9.5. Other cases
11 Necessity vs. Luxury
Appendix 1 (Compound borrowings)
Appendix 2 (Anglicisms from various domains)
Appendix 3 (Variants)
Anglicisms are found in all walks of life and learning them is therefore almost a prerequisite for the mastery of the Romanian language. English, as the main donor language for the international pool of words, has become a lingua franca, serving as an indispensable means of communication with the outside world. Its presence in the present-day Romanian language has become so influential that, undoubtedly, it deserves a lot of our interest and scrutiny. And this paper aims exactly at examining this overwhelming influence of this universal language by means of its ever pervading invaders, Anglicisms.
Although more or less extensive research has been done to date on the nature of Anglicisms as well as on the way they are used or have been integrated in our language, a better understanding of their behaviour and impact can nevertheless be acquired only by having all the relevant theories and scholarly contributions on this topic collected in a comprehensive structure. And that is exactly what I have tried to create in this paper. In this respect, proper attention has been given to all areas that have a role in this complex process of borrowing, starting with the history of the presence of Anglicisms in Romanian, going through the various researches in the area and the estimations on the spread of these words not only in our language, but also in other European languages, insisting on the intricate process of adaptation, with all its many implications and peculiarities, and ending with a view on the attempts to regulate the presence of Anglicisms in Romanian. All these areas come in this paper supported by a large number of details and illustrative examples, as provided in the works of various researchers or in dictionaries.
The final conclusions underline some of the most conspicuous elements as arisen from my analysis, such as the implications of the adaptation process and the general tendencies related to it, some of the most important difficulties that occur in the complicated process of borrowing, the impact Anglicisms have and/or is expected to have on the Romanian language in the future, as seen in the larger picture of the world we live in, or reason for understanding and accepting this phenomenon as a natural and implacable, irreversible process.
In Romania, Anglicisms have been under the scholars’ scrutiny for less than half a century. Yet, in spite of the rather numerous studies written in the recent years, none of them has covered this subject in all its facets and implications. Each scientific research has covered a more or less complex area of interest: either a specific domain (economics, IT or others), or peculiarities of the complex process of adaptation or adoption, or the impact and the spread of Anglicisms in various languages, each restricting its approach to that particular field.
The study of lexical borrowings has a long tradition, going back at least to the historical comparative language studies of the 19th century and extending over all the fields of philology. Research on Anglicisms concentrates on several main areas. First of all, a number of empirical-descriptive studies should be mentioned, mostly based on print media as general text corpora, such as Manfred Görlach’s An Annotated Bibliography of European Anglicisms (Oxford, 2002). Then there is the lexicographical preoccupation with Anglicisms, with several dictionaries, Manfred Görlach’s Dictionary of European Anglicisms, A Usage Dictionary of Anglicisms in Sixteen European Languages (2001) being the most notorious, referred to by a large number of authors from all over Europe, as it provides the first exhaustive and up-to-date account of British and American English words that have been imported into the main languages of Europe. Furthermore, there are some historical studies which deal with the increasing influence of English, accompanied by research on attitudes towards Anglicisms and on language policies. Among the authors with the most relevant contributions in this area I would mention Roswitha Fischer (2008), Monica Sim (2006), Arina Greavu (2010), Georgeta Ciobanu (1991, 1996), Mioara Avram (1997) and Adriana Stoichiţoiu-Ichim (2006). I would say that Georgeta Ciobanu’s contributions are particularly important, as she analyzed the influence of the English element on contemporary Romanian earlier than many other authors, trying to point out some peculiarities of the borrowing process, insisting on the nature of the borrowing process and its evolution, the integration of the English element in the Romanian lexis and the relationship with the international pool of Anglicisms. In the European Research Project «The English Element in the European Languages» directed by Rudolf Filipovic, a project whose results were to prove the peculiarities of borrowing English elements into Romanian and other European languages, as well as those aspects aimed at outlining the universalia of borrowing English elements in all European languages. G. Ciobanu was the one who gave the Romanian contribution on the project. The results of her study, as well as those of F. Băncilă and D. Chiţoran’s studies, were included in the second and third volumes (Băncilă, Chiţoran, 1982), (Ciobanu, 1991) and in the 41-42nd volumes (Ciobanu, 1996), and have been pursued afterwards at all language levels. Nevertheless, some of the examples and data supporting her findings are outdated now, especially those related to the presence of certain Anglicisms in dictionaries and some statistics. G. Ciobanu’s studies were soon followed by another valuable contrubution, much quoted by all analysts of this phenomenon, which is Mioara Avram’s Anglicismele în limba română actuală (1997).
The Bulgarian Rumyana Lyutakova (Orthographical Adaptation of Anglicisms in Romanian and Bulgarian, 2004) gave a minute description of the orthographic adaptation, in three stages, also of the morphosintactic and phonetic adaptation. Her study includes aspects rarely touched elsewhere: backward adaptation, acronyms or double letters. Constantin Manea’s studies (2009, 2010) are also worth mentioning, in referrence with the the degrees of assimilation – in point of both form and semantics and of the technique of ‘quotation’ – as a first step in taking over recent loanwords. He also aims to spot some of the main sources of difficulty resisting the linguists’ and educationalists’ efforts to regulate the form of the Anglo-American terms that have entered the vocabulary of contemporary Romanian. As regards the difficulties related to the adaptation process, it must be said that all authors involved in researches related to Anglicisms have come with more or less personal contributions in a general attempt to decipher all the implications of this fuzzy process.
A number of authors (Avram, 1997; Stoichiţoiu-Ichim, 2003; Lyutakova, 2004; Rus, 2005; Manea, 2010; Athu, 2011) render in their studies different norms (phonetic, orthographic, morphologic etc.) of the adaptation of English elements into Romanian language, mostly with reference to the way these elements appear in variants in some of the main Romanian dictionaries (DEX, 1998, MDN, 2002, DOOM, 1982 and 2005). As Lyutakova (2004) remarks in her study, the existence of variants proves that the adaptation process is not complete.
The present paper aims not only at covering a specific limited area regarding Anglicisms and their presence and influence in Romanian; it has a more ambitious aim, which is to synthetize some of the most relevant studies and offer a global perspective on this increasingly powerful phenomenon which tends to affect our native language more and more each day. In my thesis I have only tried to point out some of the most qualified opinions in this area and to put them together as with the pieces of an intricate puzzle, in an attempt to offer the reader a clearer picture of this area which I consider of much linguistic interest nowadays.
The main purpose of this paper is to study the English borrowing in Romanian in all its linguistic aspects, trying to point out some peculiarities of the borrowing process and some of the main sources of difficulty which resist the linguists’ and educationalists’ efforts to regulate the form of the Anglo-American terms that have entered the vocabulary of contemporary Romanian.
Following the introduction, I presented a short History (or the Evolution) of the borrowing process, including other channels that helped this process and two cases of words whose evolution presented some peculiarities.
The next chapter, Reasons for Borrowing, presents the most important factors that encourage the borrowing of English elements into Romanian. Among them, the communicative needs, prestige and the new cultural and technological realities prevail.
In the chapter called Anglicisms and Related Terms some of the main terms related to the subject of this paper are described in order to clarify some of the issues that are likely to generate confusion.
The next chapter, Researches, gives a glimpse at the way scientists have treated the borrowing phenomenon in their research, focusing either on the study of general language terms or, more often, on the researching and inventoring of the technical/specialized vocabulary, with all the difficulties this strenuous effort entails.
The Spread of Anglicisms aims at analyzing the impact the English element has had both on Romanian and, comparatively, on other European languages. All estimations and findings present the influx of Anglicisms as a pervasive phenomenon, with an increasing impact in the more recent years, especially in the Eastern countries (Romania included) after the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
In Attitudes towards Anglicisms I tried to offer a short view as to what extent European peoples (Romanians included) accept English loans open-heartedly or not. As in many other fields, opinions towards this phenomenon are split, both at global level and at the national level. Most countries accept this intrusion with no significant opposition, while very few others (France and Germany being the most notable examples) have always made efforts to limit this influence. Romania's tolerance places us in the first category, in spite of some voices of criticism.
The next chapter (Adaptation) is the most elaborate of my thesis. It is a thorough analysis of the complicated process of integration/adaptation of Anglicisms in Romanian, with its implications and peculiarities at all levels, be them orthographic, morpho-sintactic, phonetic or semantic. All these levels are accompanied by explanations and illustrative examples. Also the stages of adoption and some related tendencies and difficulties are described here. Obviously, the most prominent part is dedicated to the orthographic adaptation, with its many subdivisions and special cases. Adaptation is a highly complicated and complex process which requires a lot of attention. Therefore, this chapter is naturally the most important and carefully looked upon from this paper.
Calques are treated separately as they refer not to lexical borrowings but to the borrowing of translations. The main subdivisions here are the three types of calque analyzed in the approaches of various linguists: semantic calques, structural calques and phraseological calques, along with a referential approach offered by Stoichiţoiu-Ichim (2003), and some special cases, euphemisms among them. All these types offer different peculiarities, as described in this chapter.
The way Anglicisms are rendered in written media is described in the next chapter called Accessibility. As shown in this chapter, most authors who use such English terms in their writings often resort to various methods in order to help the Romanian reader understand the exact meaning of these terms. Some resort to graphical conventions (inverted commas, italics, bolds, etc.), others offer explanations or Romanian equivalents, in parallel. Then, there are lots of cases when the English terms are given without any explanation, as they are considered popular enough among readers.
The chapter called Necessity vs. Luxury obviously treats Anglicisms from the perspective of whether they are considered necessary or not in the Romanian vocabulary. As shown here, the necessary borrowings can be of two types: denotative and connotative. The denotative borrowings do not have equivalents in Romanian because they denote recent realities that have appeared in various field in the more or less recent years, therefore they are often linked to specialized languages, while the other type of necessary borrowings, the connotative ones, double pre-existing Romanian words, having an effect of amplification on the stylistic meanings and being often called 'luxury borrowings'.
In Domains, I presented some of the fields with the largest influx of Anglicisms. The importance of the English element is explained for some of these domains, sometimes accompanied by several translations and examples of use in Romanian texts.
The chapter about Variants offers an analysis of the way Anglicisms are found in the Romanian dictionaries, as well as some of the main tendencies met in normative works. As often shown in the linguistic studies, the existence of variants is a proof that the adaptation of the English term is incomplete. The same type of proof is the fact that dictionaries like DOOM 2, DEX, DCR, MDN, DN, NODEX often disagree not only on the variants, but even on the inclusion or exclusion of some terms. Therefore, the existence of variants is seen as a phenomenon which seems impossible to ever disappear.
The final chapter is obviously dedicated to my final Conclusions, as related to all the aspects described in the present paper.
The in-text citations are rendered according to the Publication manual of the American Psychological Association (5th ed.). Washington, DC. Author: American Psychological Association (2001), and the bibliography according to STAS 8660-82.
1 PROLEGOMENA TO ENGLISH BORROWINGS IN ROMANIAN
English, which mainly after 1066 imported thousands of words from French and Latin, is now by far the world's biggest lexical exporter, and the trade is growing as English continues to dominate various fields, ranging from pop music to electronic communication. Several countries have monitored the inflow of Anglicisms and some have even tried to block it. But language, as lexicographers have always found, respects neither boundary nor law. We can say that there is almost no field of activity in which such words have not penetrated; moreover, the tendency has become dominant.
Under the circumstances, it is obvious that beside the national language, a lingua franca is often seen as an absolute necessity in any civilized country of this world. In this respect, English is seen as a foreign language, serving as a useful means of communication with the outside world, while the national language is used within one's own speech community. After 1989 social circumstances favoured increased contacts between Romania and many foreign countries, the English speaking world included; consequently, a large number of Anglicisms and Americanisms were borrowed via written and oral routes.
Beside the natural need to use some terms coming from English (the influence of English being an international phenomenon due to the progress of some highly pervasive domains), the invasion of English borrowed words becomes a sort of trend among some social categories that frequently and deliberately employ English words, even though there are Romanian equivalents: job, party, look, hair-stylist, popcorn, hit, announcing a sort of linguistic “fashion” in the present-day written media. This trend of using, sometimes unnecessarily and abusively, English words instead of Romanian ones could be seen up to a point as a natural phenomenon, as we actually live in a world of “fakes”, as Monica Sim (2006a) remarks. She also states that almost everything is being forged and copied: paintings, clothes, bags, music, sites, books, images, characters, even words and expressions. There are originals and copies as well. But it is even easier to fake and copy options, expectations, words, behaviour, to let yourself taken away by imitation, fake and not knowledge. It is handy, easy and trendy. Regardless the aim, be it necessity or trend, these borrowings show the way our vocabulary changes, as media represents the most eloquent and true reality. As for the written media, the presence of a great number of English borrowed words suggests the openly expressed wish of the journalist to be perceived as an accessible, entertaining, up-to-date writer, but sometimes the result turns to be just the opposite and the public discourse easily slips towards a familiarity that crosses the animated, vivid language, often becoming impolite, even invective.
Many are the reasons facilitating the enrichment of our language with English-origin terms: the development of technology, of trade, and of the economy, to quote just a few. Economic, social and political factors play an important role in enriching a language by means of borrowings; in countries where such relationships are non-existent, words of foreign origin penetrate with more difficulty, if at all (Sim, 2006b). The boom in technology and industry smoothed the path towards the exchange of information between countries and, consequently, new terms are introduced in order to cover the new realities that are coming up in these domains at a fast pace.
Similarly, trade and population migration represent another cause of change, and many words belonging to commerce and transportation have entered Romanian: voucher, trailer, discount. The Romanian native speakers need to borrow such terms because these can facilitate communication between Romanian business owners and European or world traders. Nowadays, it is almost impossible for business owners of different origins to get along, sign contracts and establish business partnerships without resorting to terms connected with economics and business, mainly of English origin, which spread all over Europe and became international terms. Newly coined terms appear, some translated, some adjusted, brands are turned into common nouns and used in daily speech, some of them have a short life and soon become obsolete (especially those belonging to daily speech), some others enter the common core vocabulary (standard language or specialized language).
2 HISTORY / EVOLUTION
Due to its geographical position, Romanian has been influenced directly by various languages belonging to different genetic types, and this has turned Romanian into a generous receiver, able to assimilate words from various languages. The impact of various linguistic influences has favoured the openness of our language to borrow foreign words, English words included. In the case of Romanian, its lack of resistance to borrowings (developed throughout the centuries) has proved to be helpful, favouring the integration of English elements.
Although chronologically the English language is the last one among the modern languages (e.g. Italian, French, Russian, German) to contribute to the enrichment of contemporary Romanian, the presence of some thousands of Anglicisms (at least 3,000) (Ciobanu, 1996) in the general Romanian vocabulary, and many more scientific terms, represents a corpus worth considering.
The origin of neologisms in Romanian is diverse, but they mainly come from classical languages: Latin and Greek, from neo-Latin languages (French, Italian), and from Germanic languages, such as German and English, as well (Dumistrăcel, 1980). Belonging to a language family other than Latin, the borrowings from English may have to cope with a difficult adaptation and/or acceptance process on the part of a great deal of speakers. Still, let us not forget that English itself has got a powerful Latin component (e.g. audit, bonus, item), and thus, some of these English loans do not harm our language, they only continue the old process of re-Latinisation of Romanian. Therefore, we do not have to worry about the seemingly too large English influence.
The origins of the contact between English and Romanian culture, and within it the English influence on the Romanian language can be traced back to the sixteenth century, according to Arina Greavu’s research (2010). However, the major influence of English on Romanian started in the second half of the 19th century, with the intensification of the cultural and economic relations between the two countries, this influence being recorded in the lexicographic works of the time.
Hristea (1984) shows that the neologisms that Romanian started to borrow from English in the 19th century came almost exclusively through the intermediacy of French, many of them belonging to the sports terminology: aut, baschet, base-ball, bowling, bridge, corner, dribbling, fault, finiş, fotbal, henţ, ofsaid, meci, outsider, polo, pressing, ring, rugby, scor, set, skeet, sportsman, start, şut, tenis, volei, etc.
A very important wave of English borrowings in Romanian began at the turn of the 20th century and coincided with the intensification of economic and cultural contacts, being encouraged by Romania’s industrial and economic development on West European models, many of them of British origin (Greavu, 2010). Thus, British technological methods, and with them English terminologies, were brought to the attention of specialists in oil drilling, mining, finance, steel production, shipbuilding, weaving, etc. To these industrial / economic elements, others were added such as military and political circumstances - Romania’s joining the Triple Entente countries in 1916, or the fact that Queen Maria, the wife of Ferdinand I, king of Romania from 1914 to 1927, was a grandchild of Queen Victoria and born in England.
The second half of the 20th century saw a further intensification of this influence, in spite of political, economic and cultural barriers existing between east and west Europe. The various, mainly political circumstances of the time, resulted in changing attitudes towards English. Thus, while the 1950s are thought to have been the years “most intensely marked by xenophobia”, more and more English words found their way into technical terminologies and the standard language in the 1970s, when Romania began to assume an air of independence, with Russian models being increasingly discarded. This period was marked by an inflow of translations of scientific and literary writings. Evidence of the increasing influence of the English language on Romanian is the recording of ever more Anglicisms in Romanian dictionaries starting with 1970. These dictionaries include works of a general nature such as Dicţionarul explicativ al limbii române (DEX), dictionaries of neologisms (DN), and recordings of new words (Florica Dimitrescu, 1982, 1997: Dicţionar de cuvinte recente - DCR1 and DCR2), as well as specialized dictionaries restricted to individual domains, e.g. computer science, finance and trade, marketing, sports and medicine.
Finally, the contemporary period, i.e the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century is characterized by what is usually referred to as “an unprecedented English influence” which manifests itself directly, without the intermediacy of other languages, mainly through second language teaching and the mass media, being supported by extra-linguistic factors such as fashion and prestige. The present-day flood of Anglicisms to Romanian that characterizes this period makes it particularly interesting and worth studying from the linguistic perspective. Therefore, these recent Anglicisms constitute the main corpus of words under analysis in the present paper.
OTHER CHANNELS; TWO SPECIAL INSTANCES
It is interesting to notice that there are English loans that came into Romanian through French, after French had adopted them first: biftec takes after fr. bifteck (DEX), rather than en. beefsteak [bi:fsteik] (DN), golaveraj from fr., en. goal-average (DEX, DN, MDN); sandviş/sanviş/sandvici (DEX, DN: cf. Sandwich - an English lord) / senviş (DOOM2), as in the pronunciations of other French loans (champagne or chauffeur); şalanger (DEX), from fr. challengeur, although DOOM2 recommends the English spelling challenger and the English pronunciation (also accepted in DN). There are also updated French loans: trezorier (en. treasurer), cupon (en. coupon), retail (en.) and en detail (fr.), similaritate (en. similarity) and similitudine (fr. similitude), wholesale and angro (fr. en-gross).
The Russian channel also helped entrance of several English terms: conveier and screper (DEX, DN, MDN), not with the English pronunciation of conveyer and scraper.
The German channel has led to incorrect spelling or pronounciation, with ş: start (DEX, DN: en. start, ger. Start), sprint (DEX: fr., en.), spray (DEX: en., fr.), probably by analogy with ştrand (ger. Strand).
In the Article on Linguistics from Encyclopædia Britannica it is stated that languages borrow words freely from one another, a process that usually takes place when some new object or institution is developed for which the borrowing language has no word of its own. The article mentions the case of the large number of words denoting financial institutions and operations borrowed from Italian by the other western European languages at the time of the Renaissance, which testifies to the importance of the Italian bankers in that period. (The word bank itself, in this sense, comes through French from the Italian banca). Comparatively, words now pass from one language to another on a scale that is probably unprecedented, partly because of the enormous number of new inventions that have been made in the 20th century and partly because international communications are now so much more rapid and important. The vocabulary of modern science and technology is very largely international.
As a representative case of the way in which a borrowed word can almost displace a native equivalent in a relatively short amount of time, Arina Greavu provides the example of the Anglicism retail, in an article written in Revista economică (2010). In 1998, according to her count, this word did not appear at all in the studied corpus of Capital magazine, while cu amănuntul was used for 76 times, and en-detail for 7 times. All three terms had a surge in 2000, probably as a result of the arrival of large supermarket chains in Romania, and after that moment retail clearly gained a lot of ground in front of the two native synonyms, and it probably continued its upward trend after 2005. This firm position held by retail, which is very likely to continue to gain ground in the future as well, is reinforced by a similar evolution in retailer and detailist. Another example given by the same author is business, whose frequency in the studied period grew dramatically, from 27 occurrences in 1998 to 321 in 2005.
Having the past, the present and the future of this borrowing process in mind, we may conclude that the penetration and usage of the English loanwords in Romanian vocabulary is a highly dynamic process, a complex phenomenon whose amplitude is, in my opinion, in spite of all the elaborate studies and statistical researches, impossible to predict for the years to come.
3 REASONS FOR BORROWING ANGLICISMS
The continuous progress of arts, technology, sciences brings along a great number of new words. Each new thing, object, must bear a name; for instance: virus, appendicitis, motor etc. And these new words are either borrowings from other languages or new creations from old words by means of all the internal means of enriching vocabulary: derivation, conversion, composition etc. It is interesting to notice that all these items were not registered in the dictionaries when they first appeared. Nowadays we can no longer communicate efficiently without them. Still, like most of the things in this world, there is a reverse of this process: all these new words that appear in a language must be carefully monitored so as not to suffocate the borrowing language.
As regards the various elements that have contributed to this inflow of Anglicisms, two factors are in my opinion the strongest predictors of borrowing from English into contemporary Romanian: need and prestige. Thus, many of the words that have been borrowed in the last two decades for their informative function answer specific referential and communicative needs in various compartments of the Romanian society, e.g. economy, politics, culture, entertainment, science and technology.
The dominant place English holds in the avant-garde of scientific advancement, as well as in business and other international relations, endows this language with certain connotations of modernity, fashion and prestige, which promote the borrowing of words not motivated by need, therefore these words are called “luxury” or “unnecessary” loans. This is the case with a lot of words borrowed after 1989, and a high degree of Anglomania justifies the use of very many terms in domains related to everyday life, such as music, sports, fashion etc. Many such words are simply taken over (they are not really borrowed) out of snobbery: fashion adviser - (newspapers, magazines and TV prefer to use the English term); high tech, whose Romanian translation is ”tehnologie de vârf”, but it is preferred in the English form, and so on.
It is generally agreed that borrowing American/British terms (such as fast food, pop music, management) to describe various cultural realities is considered a sign of internationalization of the Romanian vocabulary (Stoichiţoiu-Ichim, 2001), while rejecting them is a manifestation of self-isolation and cultural provincialism.
To sum up, all these aspects - progress, communicative needs, prestige, efficience, inexistence of terms, new cultural realities - can be seen as powerful factors that help promoting the borrowing of Anglicisms in Romanian, as in many other languages.
4 ANGLICISMS AND RELATED TERMS
In order to get a better understanding of the elements analysed in the following chapters, I consider useful to define some of the main terms related to the subject of this paper and clarify some of the issues that are likely to generate confusion as far as these terms are concerned.
The term Anglicism was first used in the 17th century and refers to a linguistic feature of English used in another language (cf. OED). Or, according to Wikipedia, an Anglicism, as most often defined, is a word borrowed from English into another language. Anglicism also describes English syntax, grammar, meaning, and structure used in another language with varying degrees of corruption.
Today the term is commonly associated with the increasing influx of English borrowings from WW II onwards, related to the international role of mainly the United States, and to English as a lingua franca. Opponents of Anglicisms often use the term derogatively. Roswitha Fischer (2008) righteously remarks that, though Anglicism is connected to the word England etymologically, it is generally not only used for Anglicisms from England, but also for English loans from all varieties of the English language. Sometimes, in order to specify the origin of an Anglicism, the term Americanism is also used for borrowings originating from the United States, this then being a subordinate of the term Anglicism.
According to American Heritage Dictionary, a borrowing is “especially a word or phrase borrowed from one language for use in another”. Or „a word adopted from another language and completely or partially naturalized.”
But what exactly is a borrowing? Roswitha Fischer (2008) explains in her thorough analysis of this term that, though phonological, morphological and syntactic borrowing also exists, the term is usually applied to words and their meanings. Borrowing denotes the process as well as the object. As a process it typically refers to the importation of a word or its meaning from one language into another. As an object, it denotes the form and/or the meaning of the item that originally was not part of the vocabulary of the recipient language but was adopted from some other language and made part of the borrowing language's vocabulary.
A second cause for the fuzziness of the term borrowing is its use for a subgroup of borrowing, namely lexical borrowing, in contrast to semantic borrowing. Lexical borrowings are also called loan words or loans. Both the form and (parts of) the meaning of a foreign word become imported, not only the meaning as is the case with semantic borrowing. Some scholars also equate lexical borrowing with direct or integral borrowing, i.e. a borrowing whose form is transferred directly from the source language, and not via another language. The latter case is usually called indirect borrowing.
Then, semantic borrowing can be further subdivided into loan meaning and loan formation. Loan meaning refers to the borrowing of a meaning through meaning extension of a word in the recipient language. Three further subcategories of semantic borrowing can be subsumed under the term loan formation: loan translation (calquing, loan shift), i.e. the (complete) translation of a borrowing (e.g. ro. relaţii publice < en. public relations); loan rendition (loan rendering), i.e. the partial translation of a borrowing (e.g. ro. public target < en. target public); and loan creation, i.e. free translation (e.g. ro. undă verde < en. green light).
A mixture of lexical and semantic borrowing results in hybrid formations, also called mixed compounds, semi-calques or loan blends, denoting a word or word combination that consists of elements of both source and receiver language. Sometimes the expression total substitution is used for semantic loans, and partial substitution for hybrid formations. Lexical borrowings in this terminology are not substitutions but importations. A Romanian example of a hybrid is carte de identitate, from English identity card.
Finally, there are pseudo-borrowings, or pseudo-loans. These are words or word elements in languages other than English that were borrowed from English but are used in a way native English speakers would not recognize. Pseudo-Anglicisms often take the form of blends, combining elements of multiple English words to create a new word that appears to be English but is unrecognizable to a native speaker of English. Such Romanian examples are tenisman - tennis player (whose feminine is tenismană) and recordman - record holder in sports (whose feminine is recordmană).
Here is Fischer’s description of the borrowing types, in short:
1. Lexical borrowing
2. Semantic borrowing
3. Hybrid formation
A loanword (or loan word) is a word adopted, normally with little change in form, from another language (cf. AHD). In Wikipedia, it is a word borrowed from a donor language and incorporated into a recipient language. By contrast, a calque or loan translation is a related concept where the meaning or idiom is borrowed rather than the lexical item itself. The word loanword is itself a calque of the German Lehnwort, while calque is a loanword from French. It is important to notice that the terms borrowing and loanword, although traditional, conflict with the ordinary meaning of those words because nothing is returned to the donor languages.
In linguistics, a calque or loan translation is a word or phrase borrowed from another language by literal, word-for-word or root-for-root translation (Wikipedia). Or, it is a loan translation, especially one resulting from bilingual interference in which the internal structure of a borrowed word or phrase is maintained but its morphemes are replaced by those of the native language (in “Dictionary.com”). Used as a verb, "to calque" means to borrow a word or phrase from another language while translating its components so as to create a new lexeme in the target language. "Calque" itself is a loanword from a French noun and derives from the verb "calquer" (to trace, to copy).
It is interesting to note that, according to linguists, the larger the number of contributing languages that have a structurally identical expression, the more likely that that expression will be calqued into the target language.
A non-established borrowing is also sometimes called a foreignism, but only if it is a lexical and not a semantic borrowing. Foreignisms are said to be used for a particular purpose, for instance to make a connection with a specific culture by means of its language. An obvious example is the association of a certain subject matter (love - amour) with a certain culture (French). In written language, foreignisms mostly occur in parenthesis or in italics. Unfortunately, the boundary between foreignism and lexical borrowing is indistinct. Since the two concepts cannot be kept strictly apart, it seems best to avoid the technical term foreignism altogether.
Wikipedia refers to jargon as terminology which is especially defined in relationship to a specific activity, profession, group, or event. In AHD, jargon is the specialized or technical language of a trade, profession, or similar group. Every profession and sphere of activity develops its own jargon to enable its members or participants to communicate effectively with one another; medicine, law, gastronomy, sociology, and (most recently) computing are well-known examples.
Terminology refers to: 1. the technical or special terms used in a business, art, science, or special subject; or 2. the nomenclature as a field of study; or 3. the special words or phrases that are used in a particular field (noncount). Since most of the domains mentioned above employ a large number of Anglicisms, I consider proper to say a few more words on this topic in the next chapter.
5.1 SOURCES OF RESEARCH
In order to get a comprehensive picture of the English element in Romanian, written and oral sources have been analysed in the course of time: dictionaries printed in Romania starting with the 1950s, recent press pages, newspapers, magazines, almanacs, studies and articles concerning English borrowings; oral sources were not neglected either; words transmitted orally by native speakers individually and over the radio and television, this being a rather recent peculiarity in the development of English borrowings into Romanian.
A practical consequence of the rising influx of Anglicisms into other languages are dictionaries of English loanwords and bilingual dictionaries of special languages. In many European languages considerable efforts have been taken to produce such wordbooks. Research on Anglicisms concentrates on several main areas, as shown by Roswitha Fischer (2008). First of all, a number of empirical-descriptive studies should be mentioned, mostly based on print media as general text corpora. Then there is the lexicographical preoccupation with Anglicisms, with dictionaries which popularized collections of neologisms and Anglicisms. While Anglicisms in news language and in the language of advertisements have been extensively studied for several decades, other specialized discourses have gained in importance in European research since the 1990s, for instance the language of computer technology, business or medicine.
5.2 LINGUISTIC APPROACHES
The area of interference between general language and specialized languages is expanding nowadays through bidirectional lexical transfer (Athu, 2011). According to linguists, there are two variants of functional languages: artistic and scientific. The artistic style (language) is personalized, ambiguous, expressive (relying on connotations), is lexically very rich and free, resorting to all functional languages, also to non-literary language (localisms, archaisms, jargon, argots). The scientific language is purely informative, with strictly dennotative lexical units, and has two distinct aspects: technical and scientific. Other intermediary variants of languages / styles are: the journalistic style, that of publicity, colloquial, judicial and administrative, economic.
Specialized languages are the greatest suppliers of neologisms in a language, and a branch of applied linguistics - terminology - emerged in order to prevent the wrong and ambiguous assimilation, to give coherence and adjust these terms in accordance with the organic rules governing target language. In her Analysis and Translation Approach to Specialized Language, Crina Herţeg (2005) shows that terminology is aimed at both researching and inventorying technical vocabulary and that it does not deal with coining new terms or words and it is rather focused on finding new equivalents for the words of foreign origin. The methods that terminology relies on - identification, analysis, creation of new terms - turn it into a practical application, rather than a science, and it works by making the difference between term and concept. Terminology works on two levels: 1) functional - which means facilitating communication and 2) conceptual - newly created terms must follow certain requirements: they must be pronounced easily, they must be concise, they must enable the formation of new terms with the help of affixes, they must be correct from a linguistical point of view, it is also advisable that the newly created term should not have many spellings. It is terminology that makes these connections and establishes the relationship between semantics, lexicology and exact sciences and deals with adjusting and adopting foreign origin words to the needs of target language.
Specialized terms imply very complex translation problems and translators are not the only persons involved in this process (Herţeg, 2005). Romanian specialists in the field of technology, linguists and translators put their minds together to find the equivalent which better covers the reality expressed by the English lexical unit. When finding an equivalent, specialists must take into account the following requirements: the term created/found should be productive; it should not develop and have synonyms or homonyms, then of course it should be in accordance with the syntactical rules of the language. Most technical and scientific terms are obtained in Romanian by literal translation and affixation.
The huge influx of Anglicisms of the recent years has been giving rise to a multitude of studies and analyses regarding the many implications that such an outstanding linguistic phenomenon has triggered. As shown above, some of the researchers have focused on the study of the general language terms, trying to explain all the specific aspects related to the intricate process of borrowing, while another significant amount of researches have addressed the specialized languages, which is quite understandable given the large contribution of such languages in supplying neologisms. In this respect, terminology, as a branch of applied linguistics, plays an essential role in the difficult role of inventorying and regulating the use of the newly assimilated terms. All in all, it must be said that all these efforts are absolutely necessary if we want to have a clear global picture of this process and also proper instruments that enable us to deal with all these new words successfully.
6 THE SPREAD OF ANGLICISMS
Languages respond to the changing needs of communication, following changes in the world and ways of living. The growing influence of English on the languages of Europe is an example of a linguistic change under contact conditions. It can be traced back to political, economic and technological developments, which have been taking place at a growing pace in the past few decades. In Europe, the countries are nowadays working closely together, and the European Union has expanded to 27 nations. And, under the circumstances, English is the language that functions as the interlingual medium of European communication and has played a key role in the growing together of the European West and East in the recent years. This chapter aims at showing the impact the English element has had on both Romanian language and, comparatively, on other European languages.
6.1 IN EUROPE
As a rule, most linguists consider as the main criterion for including a word in the international pool of words the presence of a word in at least three important European languages and, if possible, the three languages should belong to three different language families. According to an estimation made in 1989 (Ciobanu, 1991), about 70% of the Romanian words of English origin under examination were present in French, German and Russian as well, i.e. they belonged to the European pool of Anglicisms, including Romanian in the international circuit of languages.
In his Dictionary of European Anglicisms, Manfred Görlach (2001) analyses the influence of English on several European languages. His dictionary provides the first exhaustive and up-to-date account of British and American English words that have been imported into the main languages of Europe.
The book provides a systematic description of the lexical input of English into Icelandic, Norwegian, Dutch, German, Russian, Polish, Croatian, Bulgarian, French, Spanish, Italian, Romanian, Finnish, Hungarian, Albanian and Greek.
Scholars involved in Görlach's lexicographical project observed that English was distributed relatively unevenly in the vocabulary of European languages, and vacillated rather strongly (Görlach, 2001). Moreover, a large majority of the loans often seem to have a distribution restricted to particular topics or subject areas. The English technical terms can often be attributed to the written medium. They are only used occasionally and do not belong to the common word stock of a language. In addition, English colloquialisms tend to occur in advertising, in journalism and in youth language, carrying a certain prestige in these discourse types.
In countries like Denmark, Sweden, Norway and the Netherlands the influx of English terms has been widely accepted for decades and considered as a natural phenomenon, contrary to countries like Poland, the Czech Republic or Bulgaria, where Anglicisms have been gaining ground especially since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this having eventually become a major topic in Eastern European linguistic studies.
For example, in the following grid (Görlach, 2001) associated with the English word computer, the investigator notes that all languages except Icelandic and Finnish have an Anglicism in use. One notes this is true for those two languages by the blacked-out squares. The language squares which are shaded, namely Norwegian, French, and Spanish, have restricted uses of the Anglicism. The rest of the squares are white, and this indicates that the word computer is fully accepted in these languages.
6.2 IN ROMANIA
No language influencing Romanian has succeeded in altering its Romance character; the same peculiarity holds true for the English loanwords in Romanian. On the contrary, as G. Ciobanu states in The English Element in the Romanian Language (1996), the English language has enriched the Romanian language with Latin elements, contributing, alongside other languages - e.g. Italian, French, Russian, German - to the re-Latinization of contemporary Romanian. As far as English borrowings are concerned, re-Latinization refers to the presence of Latin elements, respectively Neo-Latin, borrowed from English into Romanian by means of words belonging to the international pool of words, considering that these words contain Latin elements. The term Neo-Latin, commonly used in Romanian linguistics, corresponds to New Latin in the English linguistic terminology.
All in all, the borrowing process of English elements in Romanian can be labelled as a dynamic one, with an increasing rate over the last years, especially after 1989. To illustrate the development of the borrowing rate, in The English Element in the Romanian Language (1996), Georgeta Ciobanu mentions some figures: 60 words in a Romanian dictionary printed in 1958 (DLRM), about 800 words in the main explanatory thesaurus dictionary of 1975 (DEX), approximately 450 more words added in a dictionary of recent words printed in 1982 (DCR), and almost 850 items added in the Supplement to the 1975 explanatory dictionary, printed in 1988 (DEX S). Now there is almost no issue of dailies or weeklies printed nationally or locally without samples of Anglicisms.
According to the areas in which they generally occur, the richest groups are: food and drinks; sports and games; science and natural science; social life, trade and economics, banking; philosophy and religion; politics and law; transport etc. For instance, according to a Theodor Hristea’s estimation in his Syntheses on the Romanian Language (1984), in Romanian "most of the words borrowed from English belong to sports terminology". G. Ciobanu came with a new estimation (1996): 13% of the corpus words are sports terms. Among them, one third (33%) are frequently used and have already been integrated in the Romanian phonetic and morphological system. A high percentage (42%) is represented by less frequently used terms, as well as by some recent borrowings, partially adapted to the Romanian phonetic and morphological system. As for the rest of the Romanian sports terminology of English origin (25%), these words have a very restricted usage and most of them still preserve a pronunciation similar to the English one.
In a more recent research, Monica Sim (2006a) points out the numerical growth of the English element of the Romanian vocabulary, as represented in the table below. We can easily notice that this growth has its highest peak in the year 2004. As compared to 1961, when out of the 21.000 words of the dictionary, only 90 (meaning 0.42%) are of English origin, in 2004, Marele dicţionar de neologisme (MDN) contains 2185 (representing 3.5%) terms of English origin out of the total number of the words in the dictionary, approx. 65.000.
Number of neologisms of English origin
To conclude, we can say that English is distributed relatively unevenly in the vocabulary of European languages, with countries (mostly the Western ones) where English terms have been widely accepted for decades and considered as a natural phenomenon, contrary to Eastern countries - Romania among them - where Anglicisms have been gaining ground especially since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this having eventually become a major topic in many Eastern European linguistic studies. As far as Romanian is concerned, the increasing rate of the borrowing process over the last years, especially after 1989, has been noticed by all observers. The numerical growth of the English element in Romanian is remarkable, reaching in 2004 an outstanding 3.5% from the total vocabulary, as compared to only 0.42% in 1961.
Another aspect worth mentioning is that a large majority of the loans often seem to be restricted to particular topics or subject areas. While the English technical terms can often be attributed to the written medium, being only used occasionally and not belonging to the common word stock, English colloquialisms tend to occur in a large variety of fields, especially in advertising, in mass media and in the youth language.
7 ATTITUDES TOWARDS ANGLICISMS
English neologisms become popular mostly through mass media, Internet, words of mouth (especially the youths’ speaking). Each word was, at a certain point, a neologism, and it stopped being considered a neologism in time and due to usage. Whether a new word becomes part of the language system or not, it depends on a series of factors that work for that and, most of all, it is the public, the people who in the end will decide upon it. This chapter tries to offer a short view as to what extent European peoples accept such words (Anglicisms) open-heartedly or not.
Due to a daily, intensive use and to the numerous real or conceptual situations that a language has to express, its structure evolves and changes continuously, reflecting each and every stage, phenomenon or transformation that occurs, either following the language rules or patterns, or avoiding them, and thus tending to create new norms or rules. At the same time, the vocabulary tends to get rid of all the obsolete or no longer useful words when they do not meet its needs any longer. That is why most people think it is not necessary to worry too much or to become scared that our language is going to be altered or totally changed as a result of this borrowing process.
As a matter of fact, most of the times the lexical borrowings are seen as a gain to the language, the new words being created in order to meet the communication needs of speakers at a certain period of time. On the other hand, there are cases when new words are perceived as completely useless, sometimes even polluting the language, giving rise to justified reactions of rejection. Such attitudes, either favourable or unfavourable towards the present-day flood of English neologisms (for English appears to be the only modern language capable to cause such intense debates and controversies throughout the world nowadays), are a natural phenomenon, since arguments from both sides seem reasonable enough to support these attitudes, and most probably they will never cease to exist.
7.1 IN EUROPE
As Roswitha Fischer states very clearly in her study on Anglicisms in the global European context (2008), both a lingua franca and a national language are wished for. Therefore, while English is seen as a foreign language, serving as a useful means of communication with the outside world, the national language is used within one's own speech community.
An interlingual means of communication certainly has its merits but also involves a number of problems, such as disadvantages for lack of language proficiency, the diversity of cultures and their history, and the different structures and meanings of the various languages. In addition, language is commonly seen as a symbol of the national and cultural identity of a speech community and, consequently, Anglicisms may pe perceived as an embodiment of Anglophone or American social and cultural structures and values, therefore a threat to one's own values, leading to a nation's somewhat legitimate fear of being foreignized by means of the Anglophone culture represented by the English language.
Monica Sim (2006b) thinks that many people do not perceive the transfer of certain English or even "pseudo-English" words into their language through the advertising media or the entertaining industry, for instance, as a meaningful kind of communication, but rather as an attempt to take over their national and cultural values. However, the radical, extreme tendencies regarding neologisms should be avoided, as they are neither sane nor fair. Any abuse is damaging as long as it prevents speakers from communicating clear, fluent ideas, and consequently, people feel them as a negative presence in the language. On the other hand, a crowded vocabulary, full of neologisms does not necessarily lead to the language headway, it is not a proof of evolution; on the contrary, it can determine the regress. Equilibrium and measure are the key words and should characterize this aspect of enriching vocabulary.
Unsurprisingly, the increasing international influence of English has been welcomed by many, but criticized by many others. While some appreciate its political, economic and cultural advantages, others are sensitive to a possible threat to other languages and cultures. As a consequence, complaints about a take-over or at least an infiltration through foreign words are nothing new.
7.1.1 FRANCE AND THE FRENCH INFLUENCE
Roswitha Fischer’s (2008) observation on the French attitude regarding Anglicisms is very interesting though somewhat ironic, even funny. She notices that, until the 19th century the critique stated above was mainly aimed at French, only later English becoming the focus of attention. From the viewpoint of linguistics, lexical borrowing is a natural process which has been going on since the beginning of languages and language-induced contact. In view of the fact that more than half of the English vocabulary today originates from French, it has a certain ironical tinge that French commissions nowadays try to ban the English element from the French word stock.
Because English itself borrowed a great amount of French vocabulary after the Norman Conquest, some Anglicisms are actually Old French words that dropped from usage in French over the centuries but were preserved in English and have now come full circle back into French. For instance, one attested origin of the verb "to flirt" cites influence from the Old French expression conter fleurette, which means "to (try to) seduce".
Crina Herţeg (2005) also refers to the same problem in her analysis. She points out that occasionally the governments of both Quebec (Canada) and France have undertaken strenuous efforts to eradicate Anglicisms, with some success, although in modern times there has been a more relaxed attitude. Sometimes a new word is coined in French that succeeds in replacing the Anglicism - for instance, logiciel ("software"). However, the Academie Francaise's directives are not always considered very appropriate; for instance, it has decreed that "online chat" be replaced by causette or parlotte, but these are terms for "chat" that are not commonly used.
Even the French who can sometimes be reluctant to use and adopt terms with an English origin (they still maintain the term ordinateur for computer and numerique for digital) have no choice but to use these terms of English origin: faire du shopping, hardware. If we take into account the criterion of age, we will see that people over 40 who might not have access to computers or specialized magazines (IT, finances, advertising) find it hard to at least recognize, let alone understand the meaning of such words as: chat, e-mail and so on.
Irene Doval (Fischer, 2008) relates the history of organized activities aimed at the purification of German from Anglo-Saxon influences in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In her article, she demonstrates a historical continuity of fears regarding foreign influence and of purist language ideology, as well as meager practical effects of this ideology on the German language in the said period. Nowadays, of all European countries it is France that is probably most widely heard of as a site of organized and institutional purism directed against the influx of Anglicisms, and it is a belief held by many that these attitudes considerably affect the French language.
Under Benito Mussolini, efforts were made to purify Italian of Anglicisms and other foreign words. Today, Italy is the European country where Anglicisms are used the most frequently, without alterations (Wikipedia). The Italian government has recently expressed its displeasure over the use of English words and syntax in Italian English words are often used in everyday language where they have fewer syllables than a longer Italian expression, as in computer for elaboratore elettronico or week-end for finesettimana; but also where equally short Italian words already exist, as in fashion for moda and meeting for conferenza.
7.1.4 OTHER COUNTRIES
In Spain, the adoption of English words is extremely common in the spheres of business and information technology, although it is usually frowned upon by purists (Wikipedia).
In countries like Denmark, Sweden, Norway and the Netherlands the influx of English terms has been widely accepted for decades and considered as a natural phenomenon, contrary to countries like Poland, the Czech Republic or Bulgaria, where Anglicisms have been gaining ground especially since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this having eventually become a major topic in Eastern European linguistic studies (Fischer, 2008).
7.2 IN ROMANIA
7.2.1 ROMANIAN ACCEPTANCE
Some claim that, even if today the Romanian language is sometimes flooded with Anglo-Saxon neologisms, these borrowings do not come to alter the Latin character of our language, they do not change its appearance, as most of these borrowings are Latin words themselves, even though this time it is English that helps them penetrate into Romanian; our language gains, becoming a modern one, capable to express any concept, idea, and remaining a dynamic, a living language just like all the other Latin or Roman languages.
A very distinctive point of view regarding Anglicisms met in specialized languages is that of the reputed journalist Cristian Tudor Popescu (2001), who proves extremely tolerant in justifying the use of foreign terms, invoking pragmatic criteria, such as concision and accuracy: "Jargon is a shortcut, an optimization in the communication between two professionals. What would be the point of the tiring translation of some concepts that are born with English names? Jargon, as well as the argotic language, does not create confusion, it does not distort meanings; on the contrary, it may lead to a highly efficient communication." Indeed, there are equivalents for many of these terms in Romanian, but they are used in English form due to the fact that specialists understand them perfectly and they do not seem to need any translation. On the other hand, there are the non-specialists who are not acquainted with the specialized vocabulary and, consequently, find it hard to understand the terms.
7.2.2 ROMANIAN REJECTION
On the other hand, this situation has also led to disapprobative attitudes towards English, some writers in the current public discourse - the written but also audio press - decrying this influence as an invasion of Anglicisms and an anglicization of the language. The discourse about Anglicisms is based on several negative metaphors, the occurrence of English elements in Romanian being most often described as an invasion and a menace to Romanian, but also as an indecency, something low and degrading that should trigger reactions of repulsion and rejection (Greavu, 2010). In this category are purist voices belonging to Romanian writers like Geo Dumitrescu, Octavian Paler and Eugen Simion among others. Eugen Simion, for example, defines the obviously pejorative term ‘romgleză’ as "un jargon insuportabil care tinde să se împrăştie ca râia şi să prostească, să urâţească limba prin utilizarea unor termeni din categoria xenismelor parazitari, izmeniţi, demni de o doamnă Chiriţa reciclată în limba engleză şi trimisă în Parlament." (Eugen Simion, Tot despre “romgleză” in Curentul, 06.01.01), a term that was subsequently used by language purists and not only.
In spite of all this declarative rejection of the English influence, Romanian normative linguists never went so far as to rule out the use of Anglicisms by law. For example, in the introduction to DOOM (2005) Eugen Simion wonders: “ How necessary is this Romenglish that we keep hearing on the radio or on TV, mostly with amusement, sometimes with irritation, spoken especially by those chatterboxes from the media and from the political world? Surely, it is not always necessary, and yet we have no say about it; we cannot ban it. And, besides, neither do we have the means to do that.” ("Cât de necesară este, mai ales, această “romgleză” pe care o ascultăm - de cele mai multe ori amuzaţi, alteori iritaţi - la TV sau la Radio, vorbită cu precădere de Chiriţele mediei de azi şi ale lumii politice?… Nu este totdeauna necesară, dar n-avem încotro, nu putem s-o interzicem. Şi, de altfel, nici nu avem cum.")
Pros and cons Anglicisms are found all over Europe to a greater or lesser extent, and Romania makes no exception. France and Germany are the most notable examples of countries that oppose the English influence, while most of the other European countries show a greater level of tolerance. Yet, in spite of attitudes like those enumerated above, it can be said that the English influence has managed to increase a lot over the past years, free of any philologic bias and purist constraints. In this respect, Romanian well-known tolerance towards foreign influences could not but help this acceptance. After all, that the borrowing from foreign languages facilitates and enriches communication cannot be denied. And, as all linguists admit, sooner or later the foreign words that happen to stay in a receiver language for a longer time will be integrated into the existing language structures to such an extent that they will not be recognized as foreign any more.
8.1 GENERAL ASPECTS
In any language, the analysis of the adoption/adaptation process is a highly complex one, a process in which a lot of related aspects must be taken into consideration in any comprehensive linguistic research. These aspects involve several levels of adaptation, the orthographic one requiring the largest amount of attention, closely followed by the morpho-syntactic, the phonetic and the semantic ones. Also a large number of difficulties and special cases occur during this intricate, often fuzzy process, therefore many of them are described in this chapter as seen by various researchers, along with several approaches on the ways and stages of integration of Anglicisms in Romanian.
8.1.1 ADAPTATION VS. ADOPTION
Whether a word is perceived as new (or foreign) or not is usually related to its degree of adaptation or nativization. Both terms refer to the adjustment of spelling, pronunciation and/or morphology of loan words to the native structure of the receptor language. Though institutionalization does not necessarily go hand in hand with adaptation, it often does. The degree of adaptation also reflects the closeness of the contact and attitudes of the affected speech community. Adaptation is normally distinguished from adoption, which is defined mainly as unmodified borrowing. However, in practice many scholars use adaptation and adoption synonymously, since few completely non-adjusted borrowings exist, at least regarding pronunciation (Fischer, 2008).
8.1.2 LINGUISTIC ASPECTS (TYPES OF CHANGES)
In the complex process of adaptation of the newly borrowed words, Roswitha Fischer (2009) considers useful to distinguish between onomasiological and semasiological types of lexical change (including lexical semantics). Word-formation and borrowing are onomasiological (dealing with the names given to concepts) changes, while meaning changes belong to semasiology (which deals with meanings of terms). The semasiological changes can be further divided into denotational meaning changes, such as narrowing, widening, metonymy and metaphor, and connotational meaning changes, such as pejoration and amelioration. Regarding the integral phase of borrowing, the borrowing process implies an onomasiological change. In addition, however, a semasiological change is also taking place, since not all meanings of the word in the source language are generally taken over into the target language. In the post-integral phase, further semasiological changes and also onomasiological changes (e.g. new compounds or derivatives) are likely to happen. Thus, in borrowing, onomasiological and semasiological changes are closely intertwined.
8.1.3 STAGES OF INTEGRATION
As with any neologism, an Anglicism usually undergoes certain phases of integration into a language. At first, it is still very new and not known to many speakers. In time, it may spread and take part in a process of institutionalization. This process is brought to a close when the word has become part of the common core of the language, by which time, ideally, the Anglicism will not be recognized as such any more, and consequently, should not be called an Anglicism any longer. Since it is often difficult to decide whether an Anglicism has become a fully accepted word of the vocabulary of a language, generally after decades if not centuries have passed by, many scholars include all English borrowed words or phrases in their analysis. However, this procedure is not really satisfying because it goes against the native speaker's intuition.
Görlach’s (2002) approach regarding the same process of integration is quite similar. Thus, when a word has been borrowed, it becomes integrated into the receiver language with varying extent. distinguishes three main degrees of acceptance:
a) The word is not part of the language - it is either a calque or a loan creation, or mainly known to bilinguals, or used only with reference to British or American contexts.
b) The word is in restricted use.
c) The word is fully accepted - either the word is not (or no longer) recognized as English, or is found in many styles and registers, but is still marked as English in its spelling, pronunciation or morphology.
G. Ciobanu (1991) refers to the topic in discussion from a different angle. She considers that, in order to get a clear picture of the status of the English borrowed words, besides the borrowing rate, it is important to relate these elements to the rest of the Romanian vocabulary. Being neologisms, they belong to what is traditionally called the passive vocabulary (which includes the words stored in verbal memory that people partially 'understand,' but not well enough for active use). Neologisms first enter the passive vocabulary and, afterwords, some of them enter the active vocabulary; some others never enter the active vocabulary, they keep a peripheral place in the system or even disappear. completely. To some estimations, involving the subjective factor inherent to this type of judgement, until 1989 about one fifth of the corpus of Anglicisms might be considered active vocabulary. After 1989, a lot of English words that have been introduced into Romanian could be labelled as .fashionable, and it is usage that will decide their status in the language.
8.2 ORTHOGRAPHIC ADAPTATION
8.2.1 STAGES OF ORTHOGRAPHIC ADAPTATION
Rumyana Lyutakova approaches the topic under discussion in an article (The orthographic adaptation of English borrowings in Romanian and Bulgarian) that appeared in the Romanoslavica journal, in 2004. She explains that the English borrowings that enter the Romanian language are first of all assimilated from a phonetic point of view and only afterwards from an orthographic one. She also talks about the different degrees of orthographic adaptation. She mentions three stages of orthographic adaptation: initial/preliminary adaptation, the stage of borrowings that are under way of adaptation and the assimilation (borrowings that are completely assimilated into Romanian).
22.214.171.124 THE INITIAL ADAPTATION
The English borrowings that fall into this category have an incomplete degree of adaptation to the orthographic system of Romanian and most of them preserve their original spelling. Lyutakova (2004) remarks that this is actually an open-ended area where “isolated uses” may occur but usually such usages do not go beyond this stage of adaptation.
Most of the English borrowings belong to this stage and they have an etymological spelling. Apart from the recent borrowings: hardware, marketing, workshop, feedback, brainstorming, hold-up, pacemaker, killer, display, challenge-day, duty-free, airbag, etc. (some of them are not recorded in dictionaries of present-day Romanian: DEX, MDN, DOOM), there are also some borrowings whose spelling has not been changed yet although they are older borrowings: team, bridge, whisky, western, twist, rummy, musical, etc. Lyutakova (2004) states further that this initial stage can be easily covered if the form of the etymon ranges naturally among those in the Romanian orthographic system. She provides some examples: hit, top, poster, spot, card and clip.
126.96.36.199 BORROWINGS THAT ARE UNDER WAY OF ADAPTATION
This represents the intermediary stage that ”shows the evolution of the borrowing in its way towards assimilation” (Lyutakova, 2004). The borrowed word has a transitory form displaying the features of both the donor and the receiving language (a combination of etymological and phonetic spelling). The borrowings that are at this stage have hybrid spellings and, for many of them, more than one spelling is recorded in the dictionaries.
The spelling variants denote “the evolution and the direction of changes that took place in the process of adaptation” (Lyutakova, 2004). As long as there are still variants of spelling, the process of assimilation is not completely over. Mioara Avram (1997) distinguishes between the variants recorded and accepted by DOOM and those used in every day speech which are not recorded in that dictionary or in others that tackle normative issues. There are many examples of spelling variants (etymological/phonetic spelling):
- bodyguard / badigard (DOOM 2005): this word appeared sometimes with the American phonetic spelling (badigard), but at present the etymological variant (bodigard) is widely used in magazines and newspapers;
- break / brec (DOOM);
- clearing / cliring (DOOM 2005; DEX 1998);
- clovn / claun (DOOM 2005);
- cocktail / cocteil (DOOM 2005);
- derby / derbi (DOOM 2005);
- game/ ghem (DOOM 2005);
- roast beef / rosbif (DOOM);
- sandvici / sendviş (DOOM 2005);
- sandviş / sandvici / sanviş (DEX 1998) (the last two are optional spelling variants, the first one is recommended by DEX);
- smash / smeş (DOOM 2005).
The spelling of the borrowings clovn and brec was regulated in 1953 by a major spelling reform. Among the words that were subjected to the same process of regulation, there are also fotbal and chec.
188.8.131.52 THE ASSIMILATION OF ENGLISH BORROWINGS
Once a borrowing is assimilated into the receiving language, it loses the features of the source language. These are taken over by those of the receiving language and sometimes the word can no longer be identified as a borrowing. This last stage comprises English borrowings that have a phonetic spelling. They have entered everyday speech and have been assimilated from a phonological point of view: cec, fotbal, henţ, scheci, volei, hochei, seif, buget, and also some “corrupted” forms: blugi, bişniţă, ciungă, gref (these forms are criticized by linguists and are specific to colloquial speech). Then there are the rather infrequent cases of solid-spelling, (in which the etymologically heterogeneous form brings together the English root and the Romanian inflectional mark, without a hyphen), e.g. hedgingul, holdingul; these terms are obviously considered as fully adapted loans.
8.2.2 FACTORS FAVOURING THE ENGLISH SPELLING
It seems that the general propensity of literary Romanian is, currently, to spell the English borrowings the same way they are spelt in the source language. Still, the adaptation of the English loanwords depends on several factors among which I would mention the moment of borrowing, or the knowledge / ignorance of the speakers as regards the English language. Andreea Varga (2010) thinks that the process of adaptation is deliberately “hindered” due to some psychological and socio-linguistic factors. Also, Stoichiţoiu (2001) claims that the linguistic conscience of a Romanian speaker who can also speak English and his/her “pride” to spell a borrowed word à l’anglaise falls into the category of psychological factors that impede orthographical adaptation.
Among the socio-linguistic factors, an important part is played by the inner motivations of various groups of speakers concerning the terminology they use. Stoichiţoiu (2001) expounds the situation of experts for whom the preservation of borrowings, from different special-field vocabularies, in their original form, is engendered by their universal usage and by their common purpose of communication among professionals. On the other hand, “stylistic” (connotative) Anglicisms preserve their original spelling due to their power of suggestion, to their expressive force (this can be clearly noticed in the language of the press as well as in that of the youth), to “the prestige” of the English word. This category of borrowings is the richest of the three, at least as far as the core vocabulary is concerned, including words pertaining to a large variety of fields.
Linguistic snobbery is another factor that sometimes leads to etymological spelling of English words adopted and adapted to Romanian for a long time both phonetically and graphically: interview (instead of interviu), clown (instead of clovn), leader (instead of lider) etc. (Rus, 2005).
In the end, all these factors cannot generate but difficulties to those scientists engaged in the linguistic research in their effort to regulate these words, as they often have to make difficult choices from among several possible spellings. Nevertheless, few English borrowings have a hybrid spelling because of the current tendency of contemporary literary Romanian to employ these borrowings with their original, etymological spelling. DOOM (2005) records most of the English borrowings with their etymological spelling, even some of those that were recorded in DEX (1998) with a hybrid spelling or a phonetic one, for example:
- dandi (DEX 1998) – hybrid spelling;
- dandy (DOOM 2005) – etymological spelling;
- parching (DEX 1998) – the English “k” is replaced with the group of letters “ch”;
- parking (DOOM 2005) – etymological spelling;
- taim-aut (DEX 1998) – phonetic spelling;
- time-out (DOOM 2005) – etymological spelling
8.2.3 TYPES OF ORTHOGRAPHIC ADAPTATION
184.108.40.206 BACKWARD ADAPTATION
Lyutakova (2004) has also noticed a backward / inverted adaptation process. Some orthographically assimilated borrowings are being used nowadays with their original, etymological spelling (the phonetic spelling is replaced with the etymological one):
- cnocdaun, cnocaut (DEX) → knockdown, knockout (DOOM);
- hailaif (DEX 1998) → high-life (DOOM 2005);
- jaz (DEX) → jazz (DOOM);
- şalanger (DEX) → challenger (DOOM).
220.127.116.11 DOUBLE LETTERS
In her article in Romanoslavica, Rumyana Lyutakova (2004), quoted by Andreea Varga (2010), analyzes the matter of double letters. She remarks that the orthographical rules of Romanian demand that double consonants be written only where they render a phonetic reality like in accelera, accent. Given that there are many English borrowings whose spelling is characterized by a double letter (double consonant), the groups of identical letters are the first to be subjected to the process of adaptation. They can be divided into three classes:
*borrowings that have preserved the double consonants: business, bluff, hobby, reggae, summit, scrabble, thriller, lobby, banner, best-seller, challenge, fitness, jogging, killer, lobby, play-off, puzzle, etc. (DOOM 2005);
*borrowings that display variants:
stress (MDN 2002) / stres (DOOM, DEX, MDN 2002),
boss (DEX) / bos (MDN, DOOM), bos(s) (DCR)
rapper / raper (MDN 2002),
uppercut (MDN 2002) / upercut (DOOM, DEX, MDN);
bluff / bluf (ÎOOP, DOOM, DEX, MDN)
congressman / congresman (DOOM, DEX, MDN)
jazz / jaz (ÎOOP, DOOM, DEX, MDN);
jazzband / jazband (DOOM, DEX)
jazzman / jazman (DCR: also jazzman);
kidnapping (DEX, DOOM, MDN) / kidnaping (DCR)
scanner / scaner (MDN, DEX: also scanner, DCR: also scanner)
staff (DCR, MDN) / staf
*borrowed words that have been assimilated with a single letter (although the English words contain a double consonant): boicot < engl boycott; ofset < engl. offset, buldog < engl. bulldog, seter < engl. setter, cros < engl. cross(-country), stoper < engl. stopper, ofsaid < engl. off-side, tenis < engl. tennis (DOOM).
Since the first category is the richest of the three, it can be said that most English words spelled with a double consonant have preserved this feature when they were borrowed into Romanian.
A special case is that of the group of letters “ck”, which has the equivalents “c” and “ch” in Romanian: bec < back, docher < docker, cocteil < cocktail (in DOOM, it is also recorded with the etymological spelling cocktail). However, many borrowings containing this group of letters have an etymological spelling: rock, snack-bar, cockpit, hacker, background, feedback, pick-up, lock-out, play-back, etc.
18.104.22.168 WORDS CONTAINING THE LETTERS Y AND W
The letter “y” is rendered as such in most of the borrowings: lobby, whisky, cowboy, hobby, fairplay, sexy, spray, hippy, and cherry-brandy. Very few borrowings containing the letter “y” have been adapted to the Romanian orthographic system; this letter is replaced with “i”: iaht, volei, hochei, nailon; some borrowings are recorded in DOOM with both spellings: derby / i, penalty / i, rugby / i.
The letter “w” is quite similar to “y” as far as adaptation is concerned. It remains unchanged in most English borrowings: weekend, whisky, western, twist, swing, etc. It is assimilated in the following borrowings: clovn, sveter, vatman, vafă (“w” is replaced with “v”).
22.214.171.124 HOMONYMS, HOMOGRAPHS
A special case is that when the etymological spelling may lead to confusion due to the contradiction between the English and the Romanian spelling systems, for instance, when they double as homonyms the loans from French: auditor (fr. auditeur) - cel care audiază un curs, o conferinţă etc. and auditor - control financiar; board (en. board) - consiliu de administraţie) and bord (fr. bord);
or when they are homographs of Romanian terms. Such an example is that of the consonant group “ch”, which corresponds to [tʃ] in English and to [k] in Romanian, when it is followed by front vowels, as in the English word “chip”, which has only been borrowed recently and whose meaning was rendered by the loan translation, “pastilă” or by the phrase “circuit integrat”. Because of its international status, this word has entered Romanian and has been adapted to its spelling: cip (DOOM) in order to avoid the homography with the older Romanian lexeme: chip [kip].
Other similar cases are: deal, en. - afacere, tranzacţie versus deal, rom. - formă de relief; tunat (en. tuned - a acorda, a regla), versus rom. tunat (lovit de trăsnet). (Varga, 2010)
The problem that emerges in the case of the compounds (Varga, 2010) is whether the compound borrowings should be written solid, hyphenated or as completely separate words. The spelling rules of Romanian regarding the compounds take into account the extent to which the component parts preserve their morphological identity; the elements that receive the suitable inflection are hyphenated.
Yet, in Romanian there is a tendency to hyphenate the compound borrowings even when the hyphen does not exist in the original word. Separating by a hyphen the elements of a compound helps clarify its meaning, structure, to the Romanian speaker facilitating its integration, as well. Some compound borrowings preserve their original spelling:
- compounds that are written solid both in English and in Romanian: bodyguard, pacemaker, weekend, showroom, bestseller (OED, DOOM 2005);
- compounds that are hyphenated both in the lending and the receiving language: music-hall, know-how, non-stop, play-back, off-shore, duty-free, etc. (OED, DOOM 2005).
Other compounds that are written in English as two completely separate words are either written solid or hyphenated in Romanian: fairplay, mass-media, sex-appeal, talk-show, etc.
Or, some borrowings that are written solid in English are hyphenated in Romanian: lockout - lock-out, striptease - strip-tease, offshore, striptease.
To conclude, as the list in Appendix 1 shows very clearly, as far as compound borrowings are concerned the spelling rules vary a lot, mostly depending on the dictionaries in which these neologisms can be found and also on the years in which these dictionaries were published.
As regards abbreviations, they have different treatments:
- some are translated into Romanian: IMF (International Monetary Fund) turns into FMI (Fondul Monetar International); EU (European Union) is taken as UE (Uniunea Europeana); GIS ( Geographic Information System) > SIG (Sistem Informatic geografic)
- some of them are taken over in their English form (either in the case of well-known institutions or in specialized languages): UNESCO (United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization); MEBO (Management and Employment Buyout) in phrases such as "metodă de privatizare de tip MEBO";
- some of them are taken over as such into Romanian but the words constituting them are translated: PIN (Personal Identification Number) - PIN (numar personal de identificare).
126.96.36.199 PROPER NAMES
A particular English-Romanian contact scenario is illustrated by the use of English in proper names of international institutions (Greavu, 2010). Such proper names are mainly built around words like business, company, group, bank, which are in this way brought to the attention of the Romanian public: Alpha Bank, UniCredit Ţiriac Bank, Romaqua Group, Intact Media Group, ROMVAC COMPANY, S.C. Carp Company S.R.L , Business Magazin, Pharma Business.
The importation of English names combines with a parallel tendency to use English productively in order to name Romanian organizations, products and events. Examples of English names used for this purpose include: Cătălina Advertising (advertising agency in Bucharest), Militari Center, Moga Center (names of shopping centers in Bucharest), Carpatair (the name of an airline company headquartered in Timişoara), different shopping centers with the term Mall, Lotus Market (a shopping center in Oradea), Credit Bank (the name of a Romanian bank), DTH Television Grup (a TV service provider in Bucharest), Best Manager SRL (a management company in Cluj), Banu Andronache Building, etc.
This tendency is also evident in the names of Romanian web-pages. The prominent role English has gained in the language of commerce and advertising in particular, can be explained solely from the perspective of English as a prestigious language, its use making the products described seem more fashionable, modern and desirable.
8.2.4 TENDENCIES AND DIFFICULTIES
Some of the many difficulties related to pronunciation and the spelling of the newly adopted Anglicisms are described and analyzed in Constantin Manea’s paper called Difficulties Related to Form and Usage in the Process of Lexical Borrowing From English (2009). The author notices that, in a majority of cases, full adaptation was achieved through the application of phonetic spelling. Sometimes, the recommendable (or “correct”) variants recorded by some Romanian dictionaries are subject to oscillations between the “spelling pronunciation” and a fair approximation of the English pronunciation. On the other hand, the linguistic / etymological awareness of the few speakers having a good command of English clashes with the more manageable “Roumanized” form of some terms; the process adds up grammatical (i.e. morphological) implications.
When a significant number of speakers of the borrowing language come to have a good command of or are satisfactorily acquainted with the donor language, the tendency is noted to preserve the original spelling, to reduce articulatory adaptation, and closely follow the foreign pronunciation.
Here are some examples of English loans/Anglicisms that can illustrate the above-mentioned general tendencies.
The adaptation of many English neologistic terms to the Romanian orthography in accordance with the original pronunciation occurs in the case of a relatively large number of such terms. Thus, C. Manea (2009) notices that, for example, miting was preferred to meeting because the latter would have probably attracted a Romanian pronunciation like *['meting]; likewise, lider (< eng. leader), luping (< eng. looping), spicher (< eng. speaker), gol (< eng. goal), aut (< eng. out), ofsaid (< eng. offside), spici (< eng. speech), gem (< eng. jam), chec (< eng. cake) etc. proceed from the phonetic form of the English etyma, rather than their original spelling. As far as the term lider (“a person who rules, guides, or inspires others; head; one who is in charge or in command of others; one who heads a political party or organization”) is concerned, the etymological spelling leader has been - unsuccessfully - refashioned by those conversant with English or French (given the fact that even the French have the word leader, which they pronounce /li'dör/).
As a rule, adaptation is not done in a consistent manner; for instance, the original spelling was preserved in more recent loans. Thus, base(-)ball, best-seller, book-maker, browning, cow-boy, remake, shop, week(-)end, whisk(e)y have also kept the (approximate) English pronunciation. On the other hand, Romanian (normative) dictionaries abound in variants such as aisberg – iceberg, aisfild – icefield, nailon – nylon, bec – back (“a mainly defensive player behind a forward”), ofsaid – offside.
In some cases, the decisive element in adaptation is the graphical aspect, i.e. their spelling, e.g. container (with the standard Romanian pronunciation /con'tai-ner/, clearly more popular than the pronunciation occasionally used by a number of people who are conversant with English, i.e. /con-'tei-ner/); the term manager (which can boast the largest number of substandard variant pronunciations, apart from the dictionary ones, i.e. /'manadžer/ and /ma'nadʒer/, a fact that can be partly accounted for through the French etymological channel); master (< Eng. master’s degree); party (used instead of Rom. petrecere, reuniune, serată; poster (instead of Rom. afiş, reclamă; live (used both as an adjective and an adverb); slogan (instead of Rom. lozincă, or deviză, motto); star (instead of Rom. stea (de cinema, a muzicii uşoare etc.), or vedetă).
The astounding abundance of parasitic (substandard) pronunciations of the word manager is worth mentioning: /'menidžər/, /'menidžer/, /mə'neidžer/, /me'neidžər/, /'meinidžər/, /'menedžer/, /'manidžər/, /mə'neidžər/, /me'nedžer/, /'menedžər/, /'meneidžər/, /'meinidžer/, /'manižər/, /'menižər/, /me'nedžer/, /'meneidžer/.
Some other punctual remarks will be relevant, we think, in this connexion: the sound -ă, i.e. [ə] in the final sequence / the suffix -er has been rendered by [e], in the sequence [er], most probably under the influence of spelling – cf. leader, scuter, starter; the case of the word spicher is a little bit more complicated, as it also involves French influence (French being, in actual fact, the language that generated the new sense of the term – that of “newsreader, announcer”); another interesting case is that of the English word challenger (whose Romanian equivalent, şalanger [şa'landʒer], seems to have been derived (at least partially) under the influence of the French term challanger.
When unrestrained variety goes well beyond linguistic tolerance there appear extreme cases, convincingly illustrating the difficulties relating to the phonetic and spelling regulation of the English loanwords that are older ‘denizens’ of the Romanian vocabulary, like safe “a strong container, usually of metal and provided with a secure lock, for storing money or valuables” (which can occasionally be spelt even safé, and can be pronounced safé, saféu, sè-if, se-íf, sef).
The current picture of the process of taking over and, implicitly, regulating the use of the ‘Anglicisms’ in contemporary Romanian is very complex, and, unfortunately, rather blurred. Numerous pronunciations are still approximate, inaccurate and loose – e.g. taibrec, slogan, golgeter [gol'dʒeter], thriller ['triler]. See also blezer (for blazer), ramstec (for rump steak), apdeit / apdatare (for update / updating), schenăr (for scanner), discont (for discount), etc.; oscillating forms / variants are in plenty, e.g. dealer / diler / dilăr, clearing / cliring etc
There are numerous blatant mispronunciations like şprei, ştandard, ştres, ştart, and also variant pronunciations such as flaş / fleş, sandvici / sendvici / sanvici / senvici / sandviş / sendviş / sanviş / senviş; the term management has at least six different variants, while manager has about twenty. There is variation in point of stressing, e.g. prómo, but promóurile, patérn, patérnuri and páternuri, módem / modém, top-modél, top-módel etc.; both spelling and pronunciation are oscillating in words like container / conteiner / containăr.
Also noticeable are the phenomena concerning both pronunciation and morpho-grammatical adaptation, e.g. baiţi (the plural form of byte “a group of bits, usually six or eight, processed as a single unit of data”), biţi (the plural form of bit “a unit of capacity of a computer, consisting of an element of its physical structure capable of being in either of two states, such as a switch with on and off positions, or a microscopic magnet capable of alignment in two directions”), bodiguarzii / badiguarzii / badigarzii, “a se juca de-a cowboy-i”. In most cases, the orthographic look and the grammatical functioning of the terms in cause, are decisively interrelated, as in: boomul, holdingul, marketingului, marketingului, hardul, hard discuri, vs. hobby-ul, link-urile, mouse-lui, browserul, cow-boy-ii, etc.; it is also true that, at times, the ‘Roumanized’ forms can force and distort the mould of Romanian morpho-syntax itself, e.g. skin-headşi, promourile, etc.
8.3 MORPHO-SINTACTIC ADAPTATION
Generally, the morpho-sintactic adaptation comes before the phonetic and the orthographic one. As already stated in the present paper, most English loanwords preserve their original spelling. Along with the specific aspects related to the spelling of the words as rendered in dictionaries, attention must be paid also to the morphological implications, some deriving from the graphical conventions involved, as in the case of the words whose form is hyphenated, e.g. spread-ul, spread-uri. In such cases, the etymologically heterogeneous form brings together the English root and the Romanian inflectional mark by means of a hyphen, as opposed to the rather infrequent cases of solid-spelling, e.g. livingul, fanul, softuri, etc., such terms being obviously considered as fully adapted loans.
As nouns are undoubtedly the grammatical category best represented by Anglicisms in the Romanian vocabulary, they naturally receive most of the attention in the linguistic research. And, in direct relation with nouns, articles, noun plurals and noun genders are the most important elements to be analyzed in this chapter, while adjectives and verbs raise little to no difficulty in the adaptation process, requiring and receiving much less attention in my paper.
188.8.131.52 ENCLITIC ARTICLES
The enclitic articles and desinences: -ul, -ului, -ilor are attached to most English loans, regardless of the gender (even to the feminine nouns), especially with the nouns ending in consonants, as recommended in DOOM2:
*with a hyphen, when the English term ends in -sh, -ch, -y, -w, -e:
smeşul/smash-ul, slash-ul, scratch-ul, brandy-ul, dandy-ul, disk-jockey-ul, know-how-ul, lobby-ul, play-boy-ul, story-ul, rugby-ul; bridge-ul, dance-ul, hotline-ul, porridge-ul, puzzle-ul, reggae-ul, site-ul, striptease-ul etc.
*without a hyphen:
boardul, copy-rightul, boomului, gamerilor, staffului, rememberul, driverele, hotdogul, leasingul, trendul, meciul/meciurile.
Nevertheless, it must be said that in mass-media these recommendations are often neglected.
184.108.40.206 INDEFINITE ARTICLES
The indefinite article, proclitic in both languages, does not imply difficulties, except some fluctuation between feminine and neuter, for English feminine nouns which end in consonants (o/un cover-girl), or inanimate nouns that are associated with their feminine Romanian equivalents (un/o story, un/o soap-opera).
8.3.2 PLURAL ENDINGS
*Masculine nouns (ending in -i): dealeri, publisheri, manageri, basişti, outsideri, rapperi, rockeri, stripperi, but play-boy-i, dandy-i, hippy-i
a) ending in -e : newslettere, bannere, suportere, tenismene, sexiste, recordmene;
b) invariable: coca-cola, hotline.
*The neuter gender is enriched substantially, especially with inanimate nouns,
- ending in -uri:
a) with a hyphen (DOOM recommends it):
desk-uri, call-center-uri, internet-cafe-uri, spread-uri, lobby-uri, story-uri, service-uri, show-uri, snack-bar-uri, spray-uri;
b) without a hyphen:
branduri, clipuri, grilluri, jeepuri, printuri, trenduri; castinguri, holdinguri, driblinguri, ratinguri, campinguri, briefinguri, traininguri;
- or in -e, less frequent: blazere, blistere, computere, cuttere, cornere, markere, pagere, promptere, postere, testere, thrillere, tonere, playere.
*There are also several special cases of plurals:
- invariable plurals: blue-jeans, cornflakes.
- invariable singulars: jacuzzi, koala, panda, miss, kiwi, smog, cash, horror (DOOM2).
- inainmate nouns which keep the English plural: one man shows, slot machines, pieţe futures, storage services.
- animate nouns naming jobs: value investors, senior associates, sky-marshalls, trainers.
8.3.3 NOUN GENDERS
Regarding the noun gender, most Anglicisms referring to inanimate nouns fall in the category of Romanian neuter gender: star – staruri, cocteil – cocteiluri, weekend – weekenduri, trening – treninguri, meci – meciuri etc. Only one inanimate noun has been placed in the feminine category and is accepted in dictionaries: giacă (geacă) / jachetă (DEX), both from en. jacket (Rus, 2005).
As regards masculine and feminine Anglicisms, they are less frequent, but not negligible. E.g.:
masculine – lider, lideri; suporter, suporteri; clovn, clovni; dealer, dealeri etc.
feminine – stewardesă, stewardese; tenismenă, tenismene; reporteră, reportere etc.
Unlike the masculine nouns, the feminine nouns have desinences that are met in normal use: tenismenă, suporteră, recordmană; or in colloquial use: rockeriţă, lideră, fană, baby-sitteră, rapperiţă.
In some cases (e.g. lady, miss), no enclitic article is accepted (DOOM), while the proclitic one (lui) is accepted.
8.3.4 SPECIAL CASES
Certain nouns borrowed from English are still not adapted morpho-sintactically. Some of them adapt with difficulty, others have failed to adapt. In such cases, sometimes Romanian speakers do not recognize the English plural form (-s) and, by adding the Romanian plural ending, pleonastic forms (the so-called morphologic pleonasms) are obtained: ”pungile de snacksuri”, ”un pachet de sticksuri”, “mijloacele mass-media”, etc.
In some cases, nouns are turned into verbs: performer - a performa, set - a seta.
Adjectives remain invariable:
shocking, scary, trendy, full, casual, porno, punk, sexy, stereo, single, dry, indoor, topless, underground.
Some adjectives may be used as nouns in Romanian (the same as in English):
best-of-ul, fresh-uri, single-uri, cash-ul, low-uri (= coborâri, descreşteri).
Some are used either as adjectives or as adverbs:
"afiş cool", "e cool să fii analist...".
Others are used both as adjectives (muzică underground) and nouns (undergroundul londonez).
Verbs borrowed from Englishare less frequent than nouns, but, in their case, the morpho-sintactic adaptation is obligatory. They fall in the two most productive conjugations:
- most of them take -a in the Infinitive: a downloada, a forwarda, a manageria, a posta, a seta, a spama, a updata/upgrada, a dribla, a accesa, a procesa, a sponsoriza, a implementa, a scana, a lista, etc.
- some more recent ones take -i: a bipui, a brandui.
*English Gerunds are frequently rendered in Romanian as nouns: firmă de shipping, sharing (difuzare) de muzică, un palpitant making of.
*Also Participles are used in Romanian, mostly as adjectives: un calculator customizat, club bine manageriat, acord presumat.
*Sometimes Past Participles are used: echipamente built-in, cartele pre-paid, locuinţe reloaded (reamenajate).
8.4 PHONETIC ADAPTATION
In order to understand the complex process of assimilation / adaptation of the English borrowing, it is important to underline from the very beginning that Romanian spelling is mainly phonetic (Graur, 1995; Ciobanu, 2004), phonemic more precisely (Avram, 1990) unlike English spelling which is etymological, a linguistic feature that generates “a discrepancy between the written form and the pronunciation of the most English words” (Ciobanu, 2004). G. Ciobanu also asserts that “phonetic spelling” has to be understood as “a system with each sound denoted by a letter and each letter having the same sound to denote it”. It must be said that, in spite of the speakers’ emulation to pronounce the borrowing (or loanword) as it is pronounced in the donor language, an accurate phonetic replica is hardly possible. Therefore, the phonemes of the native language are often liable to replace the unfamiliar sounds of the lending language. The form of the borrowing causes, sometimes, such difficulty in pronunciation that the adaptation of the word is almost unachievable (Varga, 2010).
The phonetic changes that occur during the adaptation process are analyzed in detail in Cristina Athu’s book, Influenţa limbii engleze asupra limbii române actuale (2011). Here are some of the most important changes she has found in her research:
*Switches of the final consonant for masculine nouns:
- z instead of d, as in: bodyguarzi, milorzi, pounzi, stewarzi;
- ş instead of s, as in: boşi, jeanşi, pamperşi;
- ţ instead of t, as in: biţi, byţi, cenţi, digiţi, megawaţi, rackeţi.
*Some masculine nouns containing -man have the vowel mutation a/e:
businessmeni, congresmeni, gentlemeni, yes-meni; also walkmenuri (inanimate);
unlike borrowings arrived via the French channel:
cameramani, barmani, vatmani, also vitezomani, jazzmani
*Some words take the phonetic spelling:
aisberg for iceberg, cocteil for cocktail, scheci for sketch, şou for show, finiş for finish, lider for leader (not accepted), biznis (not recommended by DOOM2) for business.
*In a number of cases, we can find morphological dublets:
brand and brend, discount and discont, hipermarket and hypermarket, ghem and game, golgeter and golgheter (DOOM2).
*A special case is that of phonetic writing. Stoichiţoiu-Ichim (2003) explains that the phonetic writing of certain unassimilated English terms is given in the context connotative values of ironical type: “Politicienii români, abonaţii forumurilor unde se vorbeşte de integreişăn şi neito, se pare că se simt foarte bine. “ (Adevărul, 18.11.1998). Therefore, the formation of some derivatives or compounds with pejorative intent, based on some of the best assimilated English terms, is specific to the language used in pamphlets. An illustrative example of such term derivation is that of the term meeting, rendered as miting in Romanian, as a root for numerous derivatives: mitingar, mitingărie, a mitingi, mitingism, mitingist, mitingistă, and compounds: mitingofilie, mitingomanie, minimiting, all coined around 1990 -1992.
8.5 SEMANTIC ADAPTATION
When an English word finds its way into another language, mostly only one or a couple of the individual meanings of the (polysemous) English word are borrowed. As shown in Roswitha Fischer’s analysis (2008), after the borrowing process has taken place, the word may lose or change its meaning(s) or develop new meanings in the receiver language. Borrowings are generally eligible for the same type of semantic changes as native words, i.e. metonymic extension, metaphorical shift, polysemous extension, or loss of a polysemous meaning.
There may also be changes in style or connotation. Therefore, at least in theory, we have to distinguish between the borrowing process as such, i.e. when the borrowing enters the receiver language, and consecutive processes, i.e. when the newly borrowed word undergoes further changes in the language of which it has now become a part. The original English meaning may then also become opaque. Some studies of Anglicisms trace English borrowings and their numbers in dictionaries or newspapers over several decades, collecting, counting and categorizing the words.
8.5.1 STAGES OF SEMANTIC ASSIMILATION
Seen from the angle of semantics, the process of assimilation undergone by these loanwords as they are adopted by Romanian suggests their ordering on a number of distinct tiers. Thus, according to C. Manea (2010), there are three main stages:
- the terms are still felt as aliens (or “outsiders”), e.g. promotion, promotional;
- the terms are still in-between the status of aliens / outsiders and that of fully adapted / accepted lexical items, e.g. public relations, consulting, engineering;
- words which have been taken over – and fully legitimated – by Romanian, e.g. cash, clearing, sponsorizare;
- the most significant category of loan-words insomuch as the lexicological (and lexicographic) study is concerned is undoubtedly formed by those terms whose presence in the contemporary vocabulary (be it a strictly specialized one or not) is fully justified, thus avoiding the status of barbarisms / “xenisms”; some of them seeming to stand a fair chance of entering the (broader) current-use vocabulary, e.g. marketing, taylorism, (epoca) post-tayloristă. They manage to be semantically useful as they are sufficiently informative, viz. through their power of semantic designation, they avoid being mere ‘parasitic’ words, as doublets of already existing terms. Thus, their justification goes far beyond the snobbish obstinacy, which is often at the bottom of technical / professional jargons. However, informative redundancy can sometimes be detected, e.g., barter, for which a handy Romanian equivalent can certainly be “schimb în produse”, and even the older term “troc”.
8.5.2 STAGES OF SEMANTIC ADAPTATION
In the process of semantic adaptation, the first step is actually the very translation of the foreign terms which are making their way into Romanian, as C. Manea (2010) states in his analysis. This is the case with terms such as the following (most of which actually being defined in the magazine the author takes his examples from): spread (“o îmbinare a două contracte futures opuse”), closing price (“preţ de închidere”). Translation is mostly of an explanatory kind: dead-lock („impasuri”), strategia win-win (“câştig-câştig”), hardship (“clauza de impreviziune”), operaţiuni “spot” (“la disponibil”), package deal (“negocierile pachet”); they are mostly used in connection with highly / strictly specialized terms, which are in the process of being defined in the text, e.g. “operaţiunile la termen” (futures), “relaţii publice” (for public relations – which should in fact have been rendered as “relaţii cu publicul”).
As a variant of translation, the synonymic explanation is used, wherever possible, as in: “Brokeri (misiţi, samsari, curtieri)…”.
When translation is done literally, cases of ambiguity or stylistic ineptness may arise, e.g. “furtuna creierelor” as a preposterous rendering of brainstorming (for which the best possible variant is, of course, "asalt de idei / metoda asaltului de idei"). Obviously, such sloppy translations should be avoided.
8.5.3 SEMANTIC CHANGES
The semantic changes can be divided into denotational meaning changes, such as narrowing, widening, metonymy and metaphor, and connotational meaning changes, such as pejoration and amelioration.
*From among the very few widenings of meaning, I would mention the phrase câini de pază ai democraţiei (en. watchdogs), referring to the media and the professionals of media seen as the ones who serve as guardians or protectors against waste, loss, or illegal practices, while the main English meaning (”A dog trained to guard people or property”) is left aside.
*Extensions of meaning are much more frequent. They often extend the referential field to meanings that cross the edge from the specialized language to the every-day or stylistic language. For instance, the world lider is recorded both in DN and in MDN with its long established meanings from the political field („conducător”) and that of sports („echipă sau sportiv aflat în fruntea unui clasament”), not from other fields. At present, this term is used in mass media in a large variety of fields: politics („lider PNL”, „liderul de la Casa Albă”), trade union („liderul Ligii Sindicatelor Miniere”), entertainment („liderul grupului Divertis”), religion („lider spiritual suprem al talibanilor”). It also takes extensions of meaning with negative reference: „liderul reţelei de traficanţi”, „lider mafiot”, with a large range of contextual synonymy: lider / boss / şef de clan, lider local (corupt) – baron local; lider / preşedinte; lider / prim-ministru; lider al ţiganilor / bulibaşă etc. (Stoichiţoiu-Ichim, 2003)
Also, the word summit, defined in MDN as „întâlnire (politică) la cel mai înalt nivel”, is found in the present-day media with meanings much extended through dropping some specific semes. Thus, its use often goes beyond the political field in the examples from „Adevărul (2002, 2003) offered by Stoichiţoiu-Ichim (2003): „primul summit «verde» de la Rio de Janeiro”; „Summit-ul Pământului / Sărăciei”; „summit de afaceri”; „summit-ul european al întreprinderilor mici şi mijlocii”; „summitul bucătarilor”. Or, sometimes, the stylistic intent is felt in titles such as ”Summit-ul vrăjitoarelor” or ”«Summit» internaţional al prostituatelor”, here the inverted commas underlining the pejorative meaning. The same political connotations are lost in the word miting, in uses such as: ”miting de protest”, ”miting anti-sărăcie”.
*Here are some more words which came into being by an extention of meaning:
- maintenance (en.) - întreţinere, mentenanţă, as in ”comision de mentenanţă”;
- assistance - ajutor asistenţă
- to apply for a position - a aplica. The Romanian a aplica with the meaning ”a pune în aplicare” is of French (appliquer) via Latin (applicare) origin; however its newest meaning ”a aplica pentru un loc de muncă” comes form the English to apply for (to make a request, to candidate), and therefore the Romanian term a aplica is enriched by an extension of meaning. This translation - a aplica - has been recently introduced in usage due to the fact that it is shorter than the most appropriate one, namely ”a face o cerere / a solicita o cerere”. A aplica is preferred mainly by specialized websites because it is shorter and it is in accordance with the tendency of maximization in communication.
- audienţă (<en. audience) bears the meaning of a meeting granted to a certain applicant (DEX), and is at present enriched with the English meaning of public;
- locaţie (<en. location), originally meaning renting, at present is used to denote any placement,
settlement, even place, spot, site.
*Here are some examples of metonymies:
- residence for (head of) institution: White House, Downing Street, Washington: “Washington-ul a declarat...”, etc.
- clothing for office workers: “hoţi cu gulere albe” (en. white collars).
*As metaphors, there are numerous single-word ones: “un bug ne blochează de ceva timp”, “un virus împiedică boot-area calculatorului”, “se lucrează la rectificarea în driver, crawler şi finger”; also phraseological calques: Big Brother (ro. Fratele cel Mare, the famous Orwellian character); spălare de bani (en. money laundering) and bani gri (en. soft-money), pagube colaterale (en. collateral damage), sometimes with an euphemistic function: guvern din umbră (en. shadow cabinet / government), recorded in Dicţionar de politică şi administraţie englez–român (2000) as ”cabinetul alternativ al opoziţiei”. But calques are to receive a special attention in the following chapter.
In point of derivation, according to C. Manea (2010), the most productive suffix seems to be -ing (e.g. fixing, shopping, rating, training, spreading, marketing). The suffix -ment (as in management) seems to hold second place, while, from among the Romanian suffixes applying to English bases, the most frequent are: (a)ţie and -izare (e.g. barterizare). The English suffix -ship is far less productive (and yet, it is felt and used as such, e.g. leadership, sponsorship). The most notable prefixes enjoying a certain degree of productivity are: inter- (e.g. interdelivery) and supra- .
8.7 MINOR PROCESSES
The most prominent ‘minor’ processes illustrated by the body of lexical items analyzed in C. Manea’s study (2010) are certainly the acronyms (e.g., Fwd, in the sense of “forward-ul”, as used in a calculation formula), and, to a lesser extent, the so-called portmanteau words – i.e. blends such as stagflaţie (< eng. stagflation “a situation in a country’s economy, in which persistent high inflation is combined with high unemployment and stagnant (or falling) demand and output” [< blend of stagnation and inflation]), a word which has virtually become an international term.
The complexity of the process described above has always required that a large number of entailed implications be analyzed in the course of time. And the larger the influx of neologisms - as is the case of Anglicisms, the more complicated it is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the adaptation process. Each neologism has to cross several stages before it is fully accepted (if ever) in the receiver language, the transition from the passive vocabulary to the active one most often than not being a long and sinuous process.
Then, many are the factors that favour English neologisms to take one route or another on their way to full assimilation into or, sometimes, total rejection from the Romanian vocabulary, among them the level of knowledge of English of the Romanian speakers, the moment these words enter our vocabulary, also various psychological and socio-linguistic factors (inner motivation, linguistic snobbery, prestige, universal usage and so on). And, as most linguists have noticed, most of these factors favour the adoption of the English spelling.
As can easily be noticed from the analysis above, the orthographic adaptation entails the largest number of specific situations and difficulties, from the behaviour of the English compounds, of abbreviations or of double letters, the frequent occurrence of letters such as k, q, w or y in English, homonymic or homographic collisions between English and Romanian words, to the many spelling variants or mispronunciations. The morpho-syntactic level also offers a number of difficulties, among them the treatment of the enclitic articles and desinences, the plural endings, or the noun genders. As a curiosity, it is interesting to note that while the neuter gender is inexistent in English, as if in compensation, the Romanian neuter gender takes over the vast majority of Anglicisms referring to inanimate nouns.
A few instances of significant changes also occur at the phonetic and semantic levels. Regarding the latter, the most important meaning changes are narrowings, widenings (extensions of meaning), and the use of metonymies and metaphors.
Also G. Ciobanu (1996) provides a number of conclusions in her analysis on the adaptation process of Anglicisms in Romanian:
- in borrowing vowels there is a general effort to find the nearest possible counterparts in Romanian;
- for most of the diphthongs there is the tendency to render the English diphthongs of the borrowed words by similar Romanian diphthongs;
- the English consonants fit easily into the Romanian system of consonants;
- in cases of stress changes, in most of the borrowed words stress was shifted to the last or last but one syllable, following patterns common to the Romanian system;
- most of the nouns joined the classes and subclasses of the Romanian nominal system; moreover, they have entered the classes best represented numerically;
- the borrowed verbs have adapted easily to the Romanian verb system.
To calque means not only to borrow a word or phrase from another language as is the case of lexical borrowings, but also to translate its components so as to create a new lexeme in the target language. Given the particularity of this perspective towards receiving a neologic element, a perspective that requires a different approach in the analytical work, I considered proper to analyze calques in a special chapter.
As already defined above, calques are words or phrases from one language whose semantic components (words or parts of words) are translations from another language. Or, according to Stoichiţoiu-Ichim (2003), the calque, or loan-translation, or linguistic decalcomania, can be seen, in the context of borrowing, as an “internalized” variant of translation proper – a comparatively more complex “tool” of lexical assimilation-and-taking-over. It aims, most of the time, to ensure the Romanian public a better accessibility to the message, also to the expressive, evocative force of the English term, as in the following examples: câini de pază ai democraţiei (watchdogs); Carte albă (White Paper); spălarea banilor (money-laundering); primă doamnă (first lady); Unchiul Sam (Uncle Sam).
Most authors divide calques in two categories: semantic and phraseological ones. Cristina Athu (2011) adds a third category to the previously mentioned ones: structural calques.
9.1 SEMANTIC CALQUES
In Christina Athu’s approach (2011), the semantic calque renders:
a. New meanings added to the old ones of the Romanian words: maturitate (scadenţă - maturity), a agrea (a conveni - to agree), apreciere (creştere - appreciation), ataşament (anexă - attachment), atelier (seminar de aplicaţie - workshop); a agrea (en. agree) „a fi de acord”; cârtiţă (en. mole) „spion infiltrat”; determinat (engl. determined) „hotărât”; domestic (engl. domestic) „intern, propriu unui stat”; imagine (en. image) „percepţie publică”; provocare (en. challenge) „dificultate de învins”.
b. Semantic adjustments: viermi (worms) şi cai troieni (Trojan horses), navigare pe net (surfing), pachete de date (batch); “…prin “canalele” financiar-monetare” (cf. en. channel “(often pl.) - a means or agency of access, communication, etc., a medium for communication or the passage of information”).
c. Intensified technical meaning: a promova - to promote, then - a difuza, a lansa.
9.2 STRUCTURAL CALQUES
Regarding structural calques, there are several occurring situations (Athu, 2011):
- identity of structure between model and copy: self-control, supervise, holiday package;
- change of grammar category: subsidiar, subsidiară, politicile economice (where the plural form is used for the noun politică, in accordance with the model provided by en. the economic policies / the policies of…);
- morpho-syntactic changes: promotion - promovare, sponsor - sponsorizare, e-mail (in which most Romanian speakers can detect the meaning of, or at least have a certain consciousness of the origin of the initial letter e as being the English adjective electronic).
- synonymic dublets: buletin/card de identitate, scadenţă/termen limită;
- paronymic collisions: coordinator (IT) - coordonator; avertiza - advertiza (from en. advertise);
- homonymic collisions: location (place, rental);
- homographic collisions: chip (IT, faţă), plot (piece of electronics in Romanian, intrigă in English), deal (en. business, ro. relief)
9.3 PHRASEOLOGICAL CALQUES
Regarding the phraseological calques, we can find different types of translations of the English phrases:
- total calque (word-for-word translation): card de identitate (en. identity card), economie gri (en. grey economy), resurse umane (en. human resources), conturi private (en. private accounts), economie de piaţă (en. market economy), autocontrol (en. self-control), autoservire (en. self-service), axa răului (engl. axis of evil), câine de pază (en. watchdog), clasă de mijloc (en. middle class), cortină de fier (en. iron curtain), discriminare pozitivă (en. positive discrimination), foc prietenesc (en. friendly fire), Fratele cel Mare (en. Big Brother), gulere albe (en. white collars), guvern din umbră (en. shadow government / cabinet); lider de opinie (en. opinion leader), ONG (en. NGO, „organizaţie non-guvernamentală”), primă doamnă (en. first lady), război rece (en. cold war), state-tâlhar (en. rogue states), Unchiul Sam (en. Uncle Sam), cortină de fier (en. iron curtain), FMI (en. IMF), etc.
- partial calque: public target, canal de retail, partener silent.
- aproximate translation (free translation): undă verde (en. green light), drogat de muncă (en. workaholic), şerifi ai aerului (en. sky-marshalls), companie-mamă (en. parent-company), Carte Albă (en. White Paper); principiul dominoului (en. domino effect); foaie de parcurs (en. road map).
- equivalents: summit – reuniune la nivel înalt; NATO - Alianţa Nord-Atlantică.
9.4 REFERENTIAL APPROACH
Stoichiţoiu-Ichim (2003) approaches this topic also from the referential point of view, according to which the English borrowings or calques may refer to:
a. UK or USA referents: congressman - „membru al Congresului SUA”; Commonwealth „asociere liberă a unor state care au fost conduse la un moment dat de Marea Britanie”;; guvern din umbră „cabinet alternativ al opoziţiei”; Unchiul Sam - „SUA”, NATO; FBI.
b. Any (other) country: lider, lobby, miting, summit, speech, establishment, Carte Albă, foaie de parcurs.
c. Some terms that are specific to a certain country may be found in other contexts too, e.g. prima doamnă doamnă (engl. first lady), absent from Romanian dictionaries, is often found in the media with exclusive reference to the wife of the American president. Yet, sometimes the British meaning is preferred, i.e. “the wife of a governor or of a president of a country”, as in: ”extrădarea fostei prime-doamne a Iugoslaviei”.
9.5 OTHER CASES
Most of the examples provided above come from the English economic and political jargons and refer to social, economic or political concepts or patterns, illustrative of the Western (especially American) democracies. Some of them have already become clichees:
- corectitudine politică (en. political correctness), absent in Romanian dictionaries, used in the media with the meaning: „comportament exagerat de corect pentru a evita acuzaţii de rasism, discriminare sexuală”)
- foaie de drum / parcurs (engl. road map), absent both in Romanian and English dictionaries, and referring to the calendar of admission of Romania into into EU, for instance.
It is worth mentioning that euphemisms are often resorted to in the political discourse (Stoichiţoiu-Ichim, 2003):
- principiul (teoria) dominoului (en. domino effect), recorded in MDN with a restricted meaning („cădere în lanţ a complicilor”).
- pierderi colaterale (engl. collateral damage) - as in „primele «pierderi colaterale» ale războiului din Irak”
An interesting case is that of the word escaladare (cf. en. escalation). Although very frequently used in journalistic contexts, such as “After the arrival of the soldiers, the violence escalated”, in the sense of “gradually (or rapidly) increasing the intensity or scope of a war, conflict, etc.”, to escalate and escalation, are, however, not yet completely accepted as appropriate in formal English.
To sum up, from among the three types described by the few authors who have shown interest in this particular type of borrowing, it appears that phraseological calques are the best represented one, with different types of translations (total, partial, aproximate/free translations, or Romanian equivalents). The semantic calques on the other hand offer a number of peculiarities, in that they may add new meanings to Romanian words, or sometimes adjust or intensify the meanings of Romanian terms. Structural calques can also offer a number of difficulties, such as synonymic doublets, or paronymic, homonymic or homographic collisions with Romanian terms.
It is a fact that the predominantly analytical character of the English language sets it at loggerheads with the Romanian language, which is a predominantly synthetic language. Therefore, certain instruments are often required to explain certain terms with which few readers are familiarized, thus overcoming this structural incompatibility between the two languages, especially in the print media.
One of the most important instruments to take this role is the technique of “quotation”. This technique means taking over English words and phrases in their original form, while marking their foreign origin, and it is a method which is virtually the very opposite of translation and assimilation through “linguistic decalcomania”. C. Manea (2010) thinks that this structural incompatibility triggers a certain “distancing” of the user through two main methods:
*by making use of various graphical conventions (the inverted commas, e.g. “spot”; acreditive “back-to-back”; the use of italics of bold type, e.g. public relations, etc.).
*by a sort of “encyclopaedic”, more or less “ex-cathedra”, communicative-informative approach, e.g. “metoda direct costing presupune că se separă…”, “Leadershipul barometric constă în…”, “cu clauză roşie (“red clause”)”, etc.
Cristina Athu (2011) is the author who gives a thorough attention to the ways of assimilation in print media. She discerns several types of rendering the English borrowings:
*Without any explanation, although the meaning is not always very clear even to the proficient speakers of English: “este momentul unui boom”, “benchmark greu de depăşit”, “pieţe futures”, “operaţiuni de hedging”, “programe de twinning”, “cumpărători orientaţi pe blue-chips”.
*The Anglicism is accompanied by the Romanian equivalents or explanations:
a) in brackets, before or after the English term: “a atins pragul de break-even (profit)”; “acestea trimit acelaşi story-board (scenariul reclamei) mai multor producători”.
b) the English term comes after the Romanian equivalent: “renunţarea la formatele mari (broadsheet) a câştigat teren”; “servicii de conţinut video la cerere (video on demand)”.
c) the explanation in the text is sometimes placed before or after the English term, which facilitates memorization: “preferă să lucreze cu free-lanceri, altfel spus liberi profesionişti”; “în week-end practicăm aşa numitul sistem pay 2 stay 3, adică plăteşti două nopţi de cazare şi stai trei”; “a urcat în vârful piramidei prin propriile puteri (selfmade man, cum spun americanii)”; “un astfel de domeniu este cel al întreţinerii - aşa zisul wellness”.
*Both the Romanian and the English terms are used in parallel, in different places:
“numerar” and cash; developer and “dezvoltator”; real-estate and “imobiliare”, off-shore and “paradisuri fiscale”.
*Some translations change the grammar class:
a. verb-noun: “se aplică soluţia dilute and disperse (diluţie şi dispersie)”;
b. singular-plural: “venituri provenite din activitatea de incoming (sosirile de străini în ţară)” (examples taken from Capital, 2008).
There are also many cases of English loanwords which are absorbed tale quale, without searching for Romanian correspondents (sometimes used without knowing their exact meaning). Thus, some newspaper articles prefer to give a non-translated version of such terms:
"Deşi ne arătăm muşchii în prime-time, ne ascundem...." (Jurnalul Naţional, 2006)
"Piaţa futures şi options ne-a oferit ..." (Evenimentul zilei, 2006), etc.
As it was shown above, the tendency to explain Anglicisms perceived as less familiar to the public is a phenomenon met especially in written texts, much less popular in oral instances. In short, most authors who use such English terms in their writings often resort to various methods meant to help the Romanian reader understand the exact meaning of these terms. Some resort to graphical conventions (inverted commas, italics, bolds, etc.), others prefer to offer explanations or Romanian equivalents, in parallel. There are also plenty of cases when the English terms are given without any explanation, as they are considered popular enough among readers.
11 NECESSITY VS. LUXURY
In many linguistic studies, borrowings are often divided in two categories: necessary and of luxury. This chapter aims at giving a glimpse at the several aspects related to this approach.
As a rule, necessary borrowings are considered those words or idiomatic units that have no correspondent in Romanian. In this sense, Anglicisms not only fill a gap in our language, they also have the advantage of the precision and of the international use. Then, the necessary borrowings can be of two types: denotative and connotative.
The denotative borrowings do not have equivalents in Romanian because they denote recent realities that have appeared in various fields in the more or less recent years. A large number of such terms are found in occupational activities or in specialized languages, but also in the language used in every-day life: tenis, nailon, sandviş, software, site, maus, bass, blues, baseball, bungee-jumping, fitness, derby, etc.
The other type of necessary borrowings, the connotative ones, double pre-existing Romanian words, having an effect of amplification on the stylistic meanings. They often reflect the adoption of the American way of life. Here are some examples: party for petrecere; happy-end for sfârşit fericit: weekend for sfârşit de săptămână; penalty for lovitură de la 11 metri; live for în direct; summit for întâlnire la vârf etc.
On the other hand, it is undeniable that, as a language internationally perceived as a lingua franca, spoken in the most powerful and influential country in the world (the USA), English is commonly endowed with certain connotations of modernity, fashion and prestige, fact that often leads to a process of borrowing English words which is not motivated by need, therefore these words are called “luxury” or “unnecessary” loans. This tendency has become more and more acute after 1989, and a high degree of Anglomania justifies the use of very many terms in domains related to everyday life, such as music, sports, fashion etc. Such “luxury” borrowings often pertain to the tendency of some social categories to individualise themselves linguistically in this way. This fact is considered to be an act of snobbery. Here are some examples:
- cash, discount (MDN) - terms that are used more and more by sales representatives, traders and shop assistants, despite the fact that there are Romanian equivalents; they are already accepted in Romanian.
- copyright (DEX, DN, MDN) is another example of using English words as such. It appears on almost every book printed in Romania.
- feedback (DEX, DN, MDN) was firstly adopted in psychology; it subsequently extended to economics, and is presumably preferred because it is shorter than its Romanian equivalent: conexiune inversă/ retroacţiune / retroacţiune inversă / cauzalitate inelară / lanţ cauzal inchis.
- fashion adviser - not recorded in dictionaries, but quite common in newspapers, magazines or on TV.
- high tech, whose Romanian translation is ”tehnologie de vârf”, is highly appreciated in every-day practice, in a large number of instances.
Similar cases are the following terms: catering, week-end, standby, training, off-shore, loan, show-biz, duty-free, entertainment, advertising, fashion, and so on.
Another aspect which I consider important to be signalled is that, as it can be seen in the examples above and in many others, many of these terms, especially the technical ones, cannot be translated by a single word. The fact that these terms are shorter, or at least their pronunciation is, compared to their Romanian equivalents, might be a strong reason why the English terms are often preferred to their Romanian correspondents. Let’s compare just a few such examples: week-end (sfârşit de săptămână), living (cameră de zi), talk-show (masă rotundă), band (orchestră), toast (pâine prăjită), etc. Seen from this angle, these English loans can be considered useful enough to the Romanian vocabulary, somewhat justifying their inclusion both in the category of necessary borrowings, as well as in that of luxury or unnecessary ones. After all, we are all living in a world where speed and globalization are two of the key words.
To sum up, the necessary borrowings are most often associated with/related to the specialized languages, where they are required more and more in this highly dynamic and globalized world, in which the development of science and technology hace reached levels unimaginable just a few decades ago, imposing English as the main language of communication between professionals from all fields. In the same time, the same process of globalization contributes to the adoption of a large number of unnecessary / luxury / superfluous loans, mostly for stylistic reasons (”fashion” and ”prestige” always being mentioned here), but also for pragmatical reasons.
In most linguistic studies, the best represented fields as far as the presence of the English element is concerned are: economics, politics, technology (especially IT), everyday life, music, medicine, mass-media, sports, fashion and medicine. Surely, this presence is felt almost everywhere, in all walks of life; this chapters only offers a number of examples from these fileds, some of them accompanied by translations, explanations or sentences in which they may occur.
The influence and the spread of the business and trade relations around the globe make economics one of the richest fields in English neologisms, which is understandable since English has emerged as the main language to be required and accepted in such contacts. Consequently, a large number of dictionaries and linguistic studies have appeared in the recent years with a focus on the specialized terms used in the international business contacts and contracts.
The IT domain is gaining more and more new lexical meanings each day. I will not refer here to the special language filled with abbreviations and slangs used mostly by the youths who communicate via Internet.
The everyday life registers new items not attested in DCR: cool, fresh, hair-styling, outfit, tshirt, besides the inveterate cover-girl, casting, make-up, look, trendy. Most of them are “luxury Anglicisms”, as there are Romanian equivalents for them, and appear mostly in the language of newspapers, particularly in glossy magazines.
The huge American political influence nowadays is undeniable. Under the circumstances, the great influx of Anglicisms is no surprise. It is interesting to note that this field is very well represented as far as loan translations (calques) ar concerned.
Fashion and cosmetics is another area where there are plenty of luxury English borrowed words. Actually, reading articles on these topics is like reading in a totally unknown language, a sort of Romenglish.
Illustrative examples of terms belonging to these fields, as well as to other fields, are given in Appendix 2 at the end of the present paper.
Although Anglicisms are often seen as foreign words and in spite of their evident abundence in Romanian, they cannot make the subject of a common bilingual dictionary. Still, they can constitute the corpus of many specialized dictionaries, related to various fields which are particularly rich in such neologisms. This chapter refers mostly to the way Anglicisms are treated in the Romanian dictionaries. Some of the examples and technical aspects described below have already been presented in other chapters whenever/wherever it was necessary, to support other aspects.
C. Manea (2010) considers that in every kind of specialized terminology, standardization (as a prerequisite of linguistic efficiency and mutual understandability) must be the key word (which should not entail purism or rigidity, but bringing in a felicitous complement of acceptability / correctness in the field of the lexicon). What we most need now in Romania is as many good lexicographic works as humanly possible, especially modern, up-to-date, richly informative dictionaries and normative books, in which every aspect of the items glossed should be treated comprehensively - including pronunciation, meaning(s), forms. This does not mean that every new lexical item used randomly or whimsically by cosmopolitan speakers is entitled to gain acceptance into the general vocabulary of the Romanian language. A case in point is the latest edition of the DOOM, a very good dictionary indeed, but one that unfortunately seems rather reluctant to provide room for a large number of otherwise current-use English loanwords/Anglicisms, on the rather lame excuse that lexicographers cannot be very sure of the relative degree of their penetration into contemporary Romanian.
Regarding the way Anglicisms appear in Romanian dictionaries, the tendency today is to keep the etymological orthography and render the original pronunciation as closely as possible. As a rule, Anglicisms, both the older ones (camping, dribling, screper, trailer, conveier etc.) and the more recent ones, are given in DOOM 1 and DOOM 2 with suggested spellings, pronunciations and flexions. Here is a comparative analysis (Athu, 2011) of the way some terms are given in the two dictionaries:
*Some Anglicisms are present in both dictionaries, DOOM 1 and 2, in a form that is adapted graphically, in accordance with the Romanian phonetic principles: aisberg, bodicec, craul, crichet, finiş, grepfrut, henţ, iaht, jerseu, miting, ofsaid, scheci, schif, smoching, spicher, suporter, şiling etc. Some lose one consonant when it is doubled: bober, buldog, buldozer, dribling, fiting, handbal, ofset, presing, rolfilm, scuter, stoper, stres, upercut etc. or the vowel groups are simplified: feribot, golgheter, lider, or the combinations of consonants that are not common in Romanian are rendered according to the Romanian spelling rules: finiş - finish, henţ - hands, schetch - scheci.
*Others are given in both dictionaries in their etymological form: bikini, blazer, boom, booster, brand, bridge, business, camping, cockpit, computer, driver, fitness, flash, globe-trotter, groggy, marketing, radar, rock, start, travelling, twist, western, yankeu, yoga etc.
*In other cases, the two dictionaries give different spellings; as a rule, DOOM2 recommends the original English form (DOOM1 - DOOM2): cnocaut - knockout, conteiner - container, hipi - hippy, jaz - jazz, luping - looping, pedigriu - pedigri, şalanger - challenger, or DOOM2 accepts both the form adapted to the Romanian orthography and the etymological one, with a preference for one or another: pocher - pocher/poker, rugbi - rugbi/rugby, smeş - smeş/smash; cocteil - cocktail/cocteil, derbi - derby/derbi, ghem - game/ghem, penalti - penalty/penalti.
*The compounds are given in the two dictionaries in most cases with the same spelling as in English:
a) hyphenated: base-ball, dirt-track, globe-trotter, happy-end, know-how, mass-media, pop-art, walkie-talkie.
b) non-hyphenated: background, businessman, copyright, feedback, hardware.
bluejeans/blue-jeans and blugi in both dictionaries, but DOOM2 also accepts jeans/jeanşi.
best-seller, week-end in DOOM1 and bestseller, weekend in DOOM2
modern style in DOOM1 and modern-style in DOOM2
pipe line/pipe-line (both as in English) in DOOM1 and pipeline (non-existent in English) in DOOM2
the same with strip tease/strip-tease in DOOM1 and striptease in DOOM2.
*Regarding orthoepy, DOOM1 and DOOM2 give the same orthoepic directions for most English loans. When the directions are different, DOOM2 gives a recommendation closer to the original English term:
basic (beizic) (beisic)
bowling (bou-ling) (bauling)
western (uestern) (uestărn)
Exception: for travelling, both dictionaries recommend the English spelling (while DN and DO accept also travling), but the pronunciation travling is closer to the French one.
Here is a list of terms that have already been recorded in the new DOOM:
staff / pl. staffuri; management, lobby / art. loby-ul, high technology, discount / pl. discounturi; dumping / pl. dumpinguri, art. dumpingul; brand / pl. branduri, broker / brokeri, dealer / dealeri, manager / manageri, site / pl. site-uri, art. site-ul, chat / art. chatul, desktop / pl. desktopuri, display / pl. display-uri, art. display-ul, hard disk / pl. hard diskuri, software, on-line / online, off-line / offline, e-mail / pl. e-mailuri, art. e-mailul, play-back / pl. play-backuri, art. play-backul, single / pl. single-uri, art. single-ul, hit / pl. hituri, blues / pl. bluesuri, live, background / pl. backgrounduri, body building, badminton, baseball, windsurfing, jogging, derby / pl. derby-uri, derby-ul, surfing, hotdog / pl. hotdogi, hamburger / pl. hamburgeri, fast-food / pl. fast-fooduri, cheeseburger / pl. cheeseburgeri, chips / pl. chipsuri, cornflakes, icetea / art. ice-tea-ul, ketchup, whisky, look / pl. lookuri, lifting, make-up / pl. makeupuri, make-upul, fashion, design.
Other Anglicisms have not been recorded in DOOM, but are very likely to be in the near future: joystick, bowling, bungee-jumping, fitness, gloss, office, casual.
The picture is even more intricate if we extend the comparison to several dictionaries, in which there is no official agreement with respect to the “recommendable” or “correct” variant (dictionaries like DOOM 2, DEX, DCR, MDN, DN, NODEX often disagree not only on the variants, but even on the inclusion or exclusion of some terms). On the other hand, the desire is obvious for many people who are proficient in English to want to have access to the original pronunciation and/or spelling of the loanwords in case, an (otherwise understandable) aspiration which is clearly opposed to the (Academy-inspired) tendency to regulate form at any price, which is perceivable in most Romanian normative works. Florica Băncilă and Dumitru Chiţoran (1982) say that it is hard to predict which variant will become generalized, as the speakers of Romanian are equally exposed to the written and the oral form of the respective words; the two authors think that the audio-video media will have a prevalent role in future, so the type of pronunciation used by the newsreaders will be decisive in this respect.
Rumyana Lyutakova (2004) refers extensively to the spelling variants offered in dictionaries, as part of “the evolution and the direction of changes that took place in the process of adaptation”. She shows that, as long as there are still variants of spelling, the process of assimilation is not completely over. Another author, Mioara Avram (1997), distinguishes between the variants accepted and recorded by DOOM and those used quite frequently in every-day speech which are not recorded in the normative dictionaries. And these variants, absent from dictionaries, can be extremely numerous. The author also states that numerous orthographic variants are found in Romanian exclusively and that most often this variation is caused by the etymological spelling and the phonetic one, a variation which in some cases reflect the hesitation in establishing the pronunciation. Examples of such variants as recorded in the dictionaries mentioned above can be found in Appendix 3.
My analysis shows clearly that things can change easily in one direction or another as far as the preferred variants are concerned. In many cases we have several accepted or recommended variants, as a consequence of an unfinished process of adaptation; sometimes we can find cases of backward adaptation, of words that return to the original etymological spelling in spite of previously undergoing a difficult process of adaptation according to the Romanian phonetic rules. Therefore, I really think that it would not be much of a surprise to see that variants such as match, finish, offside, ski, yaht, meeting or others are popped as first options in dictionaries one day, as well as, why not, English loans phonetically adapted to the Romanian rules, such as sait (strongly recommended by George Pruteanu), blog, pleibec, bauling, şou, displei, folder and so on. After all, a language is like a living organism, which accepts or rejects, grows bigger each day and has preferences, fluctuations, dilemas or difficulties in making choices. Therefore, we can conclude that it is impossible to predict the evolution of Anglicisms in the Romanian dictionaries.
The global picture of the penetration and usage of the English loanwords in the Romanian vocabulary is remarkably intricate and fuzzy. Yet, in the light of the elements described in my thesis, we may sum up by emphasizing a few main aspects:
- in contact with English, the Romanian language proves to be a generous receiver, ready to enrich itself continuously;
- the English elements, like other foreign elements entering Romanian, are adopted and adapted to the Romanian language system, facing little or no resistance;
- the borrowing of English elements does not alter the Romance character of the Romanian language;
- the process of borrowing Anglicisms into Romanian has some characteristics similar to other European languages in contact with English;
- words that are perceived as ‘aliens’ frequently keep their foreign form, while loanwords that are used in common speech tend to adjust themselves to the articulatory and spelling habits of the Romanian host language.
We can also notice that the use of Anglicisms varies a lot according to circumstances. Some terms are employed to ease the communication as there are words with no Romanian equivalents and they should have been rendered through a whole long phrase (e.g. single „disc ce conţine câte o singură piesă pe fiecare faţă”). Other times they are used just to change the “old” language and to keep pace with the international trends.
From the morphological point of view we have to admit that the Romanian speakers rapidly adapt Anglicisms to the Romanian morphology, in order to be able to use them properly in communication. Thus, Anglicisms are such modelled to concord with the needs of the Romanian language that, quite soon after entering our language, they are able to form plurals, to be articulated as nouns, verbs can be conjugated according to number and person, etc., as previously explained in this paper. To introduce a new word means to adjust, to assimilate and to modify it, to integrate it graphically, morphologically and phonetically - which is quite difficult as in general practice there are often several alternative pronunciations of that word. Sometimes, the difficulties of the phonetical and graphical integration give rise to mistranslations: e.g. location - mistranslated as locaţie while the correct translation is amplasament; maintenance - mistranslated as mentenanţă (in comision de mentenanţă); the correct translations are întreţinere, administrare (comision de administrare).
Borrowings represent a normal and desirable phenomenon in the evolution of a language. They enrich the language, they develop synonyms and synonymy, sometimes they come to replace old words and help speakers keep up with the progress in technology or communications. Some of the borrowed terms are necessary, in the sense that they are introduced because there is no equivalent for newly introduced concepts, and some become synonyms for words already existing in the vocabulary, prestige, snobbery or international relationships being some of the factors that help maintain such unnecessary loans in our language.
In the end, we must not forget that, particularly in the recent years, the native speaker of Romanian has been getting so much information about a more and more complex world by the sophisticated means of the 3rd Millenium. Possessing a highly permissive language, a language which more often than not behaves like a “sponge” that immediately absorbs the necessary “linguistic fluid”, Romanians, particularly the younger generation, motivated by the freedom of expression gained mainly after the 1989’s events, welcome and appreciate not only the new words and expressions in their mother-tongue, but also the diversity in culture, tremendously advertised through the mass-media channels. Unfamiliar holidays or symbols such as Halloween or Valentine's Day are gaining more and more ground in our culture, making Romania feel as part of a multicultural world more than ever. And Anglicisms, as originated from English - which is seen as the dominant language of international business and global communication, are the instruments which make this possible.
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AHD - American Heritage Dictionary, By Editors of the American Heritage
Dictionaries, Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 2011
DCR - Dicţionar de cuvinte recente, Dimitrescu Florica, Bucureşti, Editura
DEX '98 - Dicţionarul explicativ al limbii române, Academia Română, Institutul
de Lingvistică "Iorgu Iordan", Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 1998
DLRA - Dicţionar al limbii române actuale (ediţia a II-a revăzută şi adăugită),
Zorela Creţa, Lucreţia Mareş, Zizi Ştefănescu-Goangă, Flora Şuteu, Valeriu
Şuteu, Editura Curtea Veche, 1998
DLRC - Dicţionarul limbii române contemporane, Vasile Breban, Editura
Ştiinţifică şi Enciclopedică, 1980
DN - Dicţionar de neologisme, Florin Marcu şi Constant Maneca, Editura
Academiei, Bucureşti, 1986
DOLR - Dicţionar ortografic al limbii române, Colectiv, Editura Litera
DOOM 1 - Dicţionar ortografic, ortoepic şi morfologic al limbii române, Editura
Academiei, Bucureşti, 1982
DOOM 2 - Dicţionar ortografic, ortoepic şi morfologic al limbii române, ediţia a
II-a, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2005
ÎOOP - Îndreptar ortografic, ortoepic şi de punctuaţie, Ediţia a V-a, Univers
Enciclopedic, Bucureşti, 1995
MDN – Marele dicţionar de neologisme, ediţie revizuită, augmentată şi
actualizată, Florin Marcu, Bucureşti, Editura Saeculum I. O, 2002
NODEX - Noul dicţionar explicativ al limbii române, Editura Litera Internaţional,
OED - Oxford English Dictionary, Oxford University Press, 1989, www.oed.com
APPENDIX 1 (Compound borrowings)
en. > ro.___________________
bodyguard bodyguard / bodigard (DOOM 2005)
pacemaker pacemaker (MDN)
showroom showroom (DOOM 2005)
cowboy cow-boy (DEX, DN, MDN)
striptease strip-tease (DEX) / striptis (DN)
weekend week-end (DEX) / weekend (DOOM 2005)
lockout lock-out (DEX) / loc-aut (MDN)
offshore off-shore (MDN) / ofşor (MDN)
bestseller best-seller (DEX, DN, NODEX) / bestseller (DOOM 2005)
fair play fairplay (DEX, MDN) / fair-play (DN)
mass media mass-media (DEX, DN, MDN)
talk show talk-show / tocşou (MDN)
compact disk compact-disc (MDN)
sex appeal sex-appeal (DN) / sexapil (DEX, NODEX)
set ball setbol (DEX, DN, MDN, NODEX) / setball (DN)
know-how know-how (DEX, DN)
stand-by stand-by (MDN)
play-back play-back (DEX, DN) / plei-bec (MDN)
music-hall music-hall (DEX, MDN, NODEX)
non-stop nonstop (DEX, NODEX, MDN)
knock-down cnocdaun (DN, MDN), also knock-down (MDN)
knock-out cnocaut (DEX, DN, MDN, NODEX) / knock-out (DN)
APPENDIX 2 (Anglicisms from various domains)
In Influenţa limbii engleze asupra limbii române actuale - în limbajul economic şi de afaceri (2011), Cristina Athu divides the Anglicisms from this field in several categories:
a. borrowings strictly specialized for the economic field, for communication between specialists, preferred for precision and international contacts:
greenfield (investiţii directe), hedging (risc valutar), shipping (transport naval, maritim), mortgage (ipotecă), payroll (ştat de plată), jobber (intermediar bursier), overdraft (descoperire de cont), deadline (termen-limită), broker (intermediar), target market (piaţă ţintă), billing (facturare), board (consiliu de conducere), salesman (comerciant), joint venture, marketing, merchandiser, merchandising, leasing, investment banking, home-banking, broker, cash, stand-by, voucher; dealer.
b. economic terms that are frequently used in general practice:
advertising (reclamă), boom (avânt economic), dealer (negustor), full-service (serviciu complet), provider (furnizor), retail (en detail), sponsor, agreement (acord financiar, economic), showroom (magazin de expoziţie), management, manager, know-how, business, brand, shopping etc.
autosuficient < en. self-sufficient, acţiune lichidă < en. liquid share, companie scoică < en. shell-company, pieţe de capital < en. capital-markets, reţea de distribuţie < en. distribution network.
Some of the most used Anglicisms met in the economic articles from the glossy magazines - bussines-man, dealer, job, marketing, shopping - are already included in DCR and DN.
Stoichiţoiu-Ichim (2003) also gives a large number of such terms
a. as used in the print media:
job:“...să renunţe la un job care nu-l satisface.”; “...fiecare vietate pe care jobul o ţine departe de reşedinţa personală...”
shopping : “mergi la shopping virtual pe www.cosmopolitan.ro.” It is an item that has a Romanian equivalent, still, it is extremely frequently used, bearing a stylistic, connotative role.
brand: “Faimosul brand orologer elveţian”
b. with their Romanian definitions:
PR: “...se face PR şi anti-PR, se scrie o adevarată condică de reclamaţii...”
staff s. m. pl. staffuri - ”grup de persoane cu o anumită misiune, de conducere sub direcţia unui şef; stat major”.
management s. n. - „arta de a conduce; ştiinţa organizării întreprinderilor, a valorificării eficiente a resurselor umane, financiare şi material ale unei organizaţii”.
lobby s. n. - „sală de aşteptare a clădirii unei bănci, unde se fac operaţii bancare; tranzacţie făcută în această sală”.
discount s. n. pl. discounturi - „reducere de preţ care se acordă unui anumit client, în anumite condiţii de achiziţionare a mărfi”.
dumping s. n. pl. dumpinguri: „vânzare a mărfurilor pe piaţa externă la preţuri mai scăzute decât acelea de pe piaţa internă şi de pe piaţa mondială, practicată de unele ţări pentru a elimina concurenţa”.
brand s. n. pl. branduri „marcă, firmă”.
broker s. m. pl. brokeri „agent care vinde sau cumpără pe comision; intermediar”.
dealer s. m. pl. dealeri „distribuitor”.
manager s. m. pl. manageri „cel care conduce o antrepriză, care generează interesele unui sportiv sau ale unei echipe care se ocupă cu organizarea şi cu chestiunile financiare ale competiţiilor, impresar”.
Below are just a few of the multitude of IT terms
a. as used in newspapers:
webcam: “deschid calculatorul, dau drumul la webcam şi vorbesc cu oameni...”
a scana “ am scanat-o din priviri, am zâmbit...”
scroll: “...un mouse wireless cu scroll în opt direcţii...”
stick: “Ia-ţi un stick de la Kingston…”
display: “...noutăţile pe display-ul telefonului, downlodate direct în măruntaiele celularului.”
pacemaker: “El să aibă pacemaker şi să moară cât mai repede.”
gadget: “...ne plac gadgeturile care sunt mici...” “Gadgeturile multimedia s-au înghesuit la târgul de la Amsterdam.”, “Unele companii au aruncat pur şi simplu software-ul pentru că nu îl puteau utiliza”. (from Ziarul Financiar, 2011)
b. with their definitions:
site s. n. pl. site-uri „spaţiu pe internet, spaţiu în care sunt situate informaţii pe reţeaua de internet”.
mouse s. n. pl. mouse-uri, articulat mouse-ul „dispozitiv la computer, calculator, periferic cu care se poate deplasa cursorul pe ecranul unui computer”.
chat s. n. „discuţie amicală, o discuţie care se face prin schimbarea mesajelor electronice”.
desktop s. n. pl. desktopuri „ecran”.
display s. n. pl. display-uri, articulat display-ul „dispozitiv de vizualizare folosit ca periferic la calculatoare”.
hard disk s. n. „disc magnetic de mare capacitate, pentru stocarea datelor la computer”.
software s. n. „ansamblu de activităţi (codificare, organizare, analiză, programare) pentru calculatoarele electronice, soft”.
joystick s. n. „manetă care controlează mişcarea imaginilor pe un ecran electronic sau la jocurile mecanice”.
e-mail s. n. pl. e-mailuri „scrisoare în format electronic, mesaje”.
on-line/online loc adj., loc. adv. „echipament, dispozitiv sau mod de prelucrare a datelor conectate direct la calculator”.
off-line/offline loc adj, loc adv. „echipament, dispozitiv sau mod de prelucrare a datelor neconectat direct la calculator”.
Other examples: hard, soft (short forms from hardware, software) atachment (<en. attachment) add-in (<en. add-in), bit (<en. bit), browser (<en. browser), computer (< en. computer), download (<en. download), device (<en. device), desktop (<en. desktop, driver (<en. driver), e-mail (<en. e-mail), laptop (<en. laptop), link (<engl link), mailer (<engl mailer), modem (<engl modem), maus (< engl mouse), server (<en. server - „calculator central în reţea”), update (<en. update), a accesa (<en. to access), a boot-a (<en. to boot), a chatui (<en. to chat), a clicka/clica (<en. to click), a computeriza (<en. to computerize), a formata (<en. to format), a heckări (<en. to hack), a lista (<en. to list), a loga (<en. to log - „a accesa un sistem” ), a printa (<en. to print), a procesa (<en. to process - „a prelucra”), a reseta (<en. to reset), computer, hard disk, scanner, laptop, floppy disk, site, web, clip (video-clip), CD, DVD. Clip has extended its area, being adopted not only in music and cinema, but also to the political field, as in the phrase ”clip electoral”.
Here are some illustrative examples, chosen by Sim and Pop (2009) from various glossy magazines:
cool “… cele mai cool trend-uri în hair-styling.” It appears in combination with other words, or, sometimes just alone like an interjection. It is a word with a high frequency in glossy magazines, in close competition with look ( term registered in DCR).
look: “look similar accesibil.”
outfit: “outfit-ul de club era horror, ce să mai!”; “outfit” proves to be a useless, luxury Anglicism that could easily be replaced with its Romanian equivalent
casting: “…când m-am dus la casting în Paris, nici nu au vrut să audă…”
nickname: “doar aici îndrăzneşte să-şi deschidă inima, sub un nickname cu conotaţii dureroase...”
trendy: “...elementele unui interior, să-i spunem, trendy.”
sexy is probably one of the best known adjectives of English origin in Romanian language; it is a
“raw” adjective used not only in the written media, but also in the everyday speech, on television
etc.; it appears spelt either like in English or like a Romanian word: “sexi: “trup sexy”.
trend: “...şi nu doar pentru că ăsta e “trendul”, explică ei.”
OK: “arată-i că nu este OK ceea ce face.”
full: “…nu te fac să te simţi “full” si nici nu-ţi deschid apetitul.”
fresh: “Un parfum fresh, de primăvară.”
weekend: “nici nu mai ştiu unde să ies şi eu în weekend.”
background: “...născut în cu totul alte condiţii, cu totul alt background, cu totul altă evoluţie decât a mea.”
brunch: “Brunch de Paşte pe boulevard...”
junk: “dacă nu mănânci junk, evident”
topping: “Ca desert, topesc ciocolata drept topping peste banană.”
buzz: “…deplasează-te atunci când ai ceva de spus în loc să dai buzz pe Mess.”
In the language of newspapers we can find lots of terms met in other fields as well: leasing, catering, entertainment, dealer, design, trend, agreement, internet, cash & carry, training, marketing manager, brand, supermarket, business, handset, shopping centre, etc
Here are some examples of terms related to politics, divided in several categories:
- terms referring mainly to politics or assimilated in political communication: agreement, Big Brother, board, boss, briefing, congressman, establishment, gentelman’s agreement, grey area, impeachement, leadership, exit poll, lider, lobby, mcdonaldizare, miting, political correctness, road map, shadow government, soft money, speaker, speech, staff, summit, yankeu.
- proper names: Commonwealth, Downing Street, Pentagon, Amnesty International, Greenpeace, NATO, FBI, CIA.
- semantic calques: agrea (en. agree) „a fi de acord”; cârtiţă (en. mole) „spion infiltrat”; determinat (en. determined) „hotărât”; domestic (en. domestic) „intern, propriu unui stat”; imagine (en. image) „percepţie publică”; provocare (en. challenge) „dificultate de învins”; uliu (en. hawk) „personalitate oficială cu spirit belicos”.
- phraseological calques: axa răului (en. axis of evil); Carte Albă (en. White Paper); câine de pază (en. watchdog); corectitudine politică (en. political correctness); clasă de mijloc (en. middle class); cortină de fier (en. iron curtain); discriminare pozitivă (en. positive discrimination); foaie de parcurs (en. road map); foc prietenesc (en. friendly fire); Fratele cel Mare (en. Big Brother); gulere albe (en. white collars); guvern din umbră (en. shadow government / cabinet); lider de opinie (en. opinion leader); ONG (en. NGO) „organizaţie non-guvernamentală”; pierderi colaterale (en. colateral damages); primă doamnă (en. first lady), principiul dominoului (en. domino effect); război rece (en. cold war); state-tâlhar (en. rogue states); Unchiul Sam (en. Uncle Sam).
FASHION AND COSMETICS
According to Sim and Pop (2009), 65% of the neologic terms that appear regularly in the glossy magazines are not included in the recently published lexicographic works. Here are some such terms:
make-over, make-up artist, anti-age, look, pl. lookuri, articulated lookul; lifting, make-up, pl. make-upuri, articulated make-upul; fashion, design, designer, gloss, eye-liner (ro. tuş), trend, casual, modelling, hair-stylist, home-made, etc.
Women glossy magazines abound in English titles or a combination of English and Romanian titles: Cosmo book club, Cosmo informer, Cosmo style insider, Metale în trend, Cosmon’n Vogue, Beauty stil de vedetă, Măşti home-made, Job & bani, Quiz culinar, Real life etc.; most of these are already phrases often used in everyday speech, still they are luxury borrowings as we could easily find Romanian equivalents.
Some of the terms related to sports entered Romanian a long time ago and are fully assimilated:
fotbal (fotbalist), baschet (baschetbalist), rugby (rugbist), schi, meci, volei, cros, derby, henţ (<en. hands), corner, aut (<en. out), fault (<en. foul), penalti (<en. penalty), ofsaid (<en. offside), dribling (<en. dribbling), etc.
while others are relatively new or very recent:
bowling, body building, badminton, baseball, bungee-jumping, fitness, derby, pl. derby-uri, articulated derby-ul; skateboard, team, outsider, snow-board, coach, coaching, pole-position, kick-boxing,
beat, live, cover, play-back, pl. play-back-uri; single, pl. single-uri; hit, pl. hituri; blues, pl. bluesuri;
live, background, pl. backgrounduri; rock, rap, band, evergreen, performance, house, r&b, synthesizer, keyboards, bass, backing vocal, etc..
sept interatrial (en. interatrial septum); valvă aortică (en. aortic valve); circulaţia coronariană (en. coronary circulation), malformaţii congenitale ale inimii (en. congenital anomaly of heart), imagine de medicină nucleară (en. nuclear medicine imaging), abazie (en. abasia); acardie (en. acardia); amebom (en. amoeboma); bradilalie (en. bradylalia); cafeină (en. caffeine), corpuscul (en. corpuscle), simptom/sindrom, glande bulbouretrale (en. bulbourethral glands), sonogramă transabdominală (en. transabdominal sonogram), terapie cognitivă (en. cognitive therapy), terapie de comportare (en. behavioural therapy), grefă de os (en. bone grafting), etc.
FOOD AND DRINKS
hamburger, pl. hamburgări; hotdog, pl. hotdogi; fast-food, pl. fast-fooduri; cheeseburger, chips, pl. chipsuri; cornflakes, brandy, pl. brandy-uri, articulated brandy-ul; whisky, pl. whisky-uri, articulated whisky-ul; ketchup, snacks, toast, scotch, etc.
Curriculum ( borrowed from English, although it is a Latin term) and its adjectival derivative curricular,
grant, which is often used in scientific research and, consequently, accepted in the official terminology; master and masterat, training, item, visiting professor, etc.
rating, briefing, key-speaker, teleplay, prime time, TV announcer, talk-show, show-biz, reality show, news, news alert, breaking news, etc.
musical, music-hall, horror, thriller, western, science fiction, cast, shooting, film-maker, love story, romance, etc.
APPENDIX 3 (Variants)
Here are some examples of variants as recorded in various dictionaries:
body-guard / bodi-guard / badigard: DCR records the first two variants, while the third has been noticed in the print media lately as the visual aspect of the phonetic fluctuation.
broker (DCR, MDN) / brocăr (DN) – in practice the term appears only in the original spelling - which is a case of backward adaptation.
bungalov (DEX-84, DN – also bungalou) / bungalou (DOOM, DEX-98, DCR, MDN) / bungalow (found in the print media).
by-pass (MDN) / bai-pas (DN) - DCR recomends the etymological spelling with the accepted variant bai-pas, which contradicts the recommended pronunciation /bai pes/. However, the new edition of DN (2000) recommends the English spelling, as opposed to the form recommended in 1986, which is another case of backward adaptation.
camping (DOOM, DEX, DCR) / chemping (in the print media).
clearing (DCR: also cliring) / cliring (DOOM; DEX: also clearing) – from its evolution recorded in lexicographic works, we can conclude that this is another case of backward adaptation.
cocktail / cocteil / coctail – a complicated case, given the normative directions. DOOM and MDN recommend the phonetic spelling, DEX - the same, but also coctail as a result of the insufficiently established pronunciation. DCR records it only in the phrase cocktail Molotov, with the English spelling.
congressman (the older form) / congresman (DOOM, DEX, MDN) / congresmen (in the media).
grapefruit / grape-fruit / grepfrut (DOOM, MDN); in DEX also grepfrut and grape-fruit; in written texts grapefruit can also be found, as in English.
mouse (DC) / maus (MDN, DEX) – in practice found both in etymological and phonetical writing.
parking (frequently used) / parching (DEX, DOOM, MDN); DCR include also parking.
pick-up (DOOM, ÎOOP, DEX, MDN) / picup / picap – although the etymological writing is recommended in dictionaries, the other two are also present in practice. However, its evolution is unlikely to continue, as the object denoted is almost never used.
racket (DCR: also raket) / rachet; rackets – racheţi – the variant accepted in DCR reprezents a hybrid form and should not be encouraged.by norms.
sandviş / sandvic i/ sanviş / sendviş / sendvici / sandwich – this is a rather complex case: DOOM and ÎOOP recommend sandviş / sandvici, DEX - sandviş with sandvici and sanviş as optional variants, whle MDN accepts sanviş and sandvici. The free variation in the first five terms is, in fact, orthoepic, the spelling reflecting the phonetic-phonologic fluctuations. The etymological spelling sandwich is a case of backward adaptation.
strip-tease (DEX, DOOM, MDN) / striptease / striptis (DCR).
taim-aut / time-out – DOOM and DEX recommend the phonetic spelling, also accepting the etymological variants, while MDN only accepts the adapted form taim-aut, and DCR only includes the English spelling time-out.
A special case is that of the words: congresmen, recordmen, tenismen, for which the phonetic spelling was recommended because the final segment “man” with the meaning of “bărbat” was not perceived as such in Romanian, neither the irregular English plural of en. man. A proof more in this respect are the feminine: recordmenă, tenismenă (DOOM 2).